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GErvJEALOGY  COLLECTION 


ALLEN  COUNTY  PUBLIC  LIBRARY 


3  1833  00828  6103 


THE  SWEDES  IN  AMERICA 
1638-1900 


BY 


AMANDUS  JOHNSON 


IN  FOUR   VOLUMES 
VOLUME  L 


Fort  ChiistiiKi   (H;:,4).  section  of  Liiidcst film's  plan  of  Cliris- 
tiiifliainn.   See    below,    p.    <J5. 


THE  SWEDES   IN  AMERICA,  1638-1900 


VOLUME  I. 


THE  SWEDES 
ON  THE  DELAWARE 

1638-1664 


BY 


AMANDUS  JOHNSON 

UNIVERSITY  OF  PKNNST1.VANIA 


PHILADELPHIA 

THE  LENAPE  PRESS 

1914 


Copyright,  1914 

BY 

Amandus  Johnson. 


1495548 


To  C.  A.  SMITH, 

The  Swedish  American 
Philanthropist  and  Friend  of  Learning 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 

Page 
Preface 7 

I.  Political,  Social,  Religious  and  other  Conditions  in 

Sweden,  1611-1660 H 

II.  Industries.  Commerce  and  Trading  Companies  .    .  39 

III.  The  Founding  of  the  New  Sweden  Company  and 

the  Early  Expeditions  to  the  Delaware ')7 

IV.  The   Founding   and   First   Period   of   the   Colony, 

1638-1643 103 

V.  The  Reorganized  American  Company  and  the  Ex- 
peditions to  New  Sweden  during  the  Administra- 
tion of  Governor  Printz 139 

VI.  The  Social  and  Economic  Life  of  the  Colony  under 

Governor  Printz,  1643-1653 175 

VII.  Renewed  Efforts  in  Behalf  of  the  Colony  and  Tenth 

and  Eleventh  Expeditions 249 

VIII.  The  Colony  under  Rising  and  Papegoja 273 

IX.  The  American  Company,  the  Last  Expedition  and 

the  Efforts  of  Sweden  to  Regain  the  Colony  .    .    .  343 

X.  The  First  Period  of  the  Swedish  Settlements  under 
Dutch  Rule  and  the  coming  of  the  Mermrius, 
1655-1656 359 

XL  The  Last  Period  of  the  Swedish  Settlements  under 

the  Dutch,  1656-1664 367 

Map  of  New  Sweden -^"2 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 

Fort    Christina,     Frontispiece 

Gustavus  Adolphus,    10 

The  Eeading  Eoom  in  the  Royal  Library,   40 

Willejn  Usselinx,   50 

Title-page  of  the  Argonaittica  Gustaviana,   G2 

Axel    Oxenstierna,    68 

Letter  of  Peter  Spiring,   73 

Klas    Fleming,     7G 

Fort  Elf sborg  near  Gothenborg,   80 

New   Amsterdam,    96 

The  Eeseareh-room  in  the  Eoyal  Library, 103 

Lauding  Place  of  the  Swedes,  108 

Finnish  Log-cabin,    110 

Interior  of  the  Finnish  Cabin, 110 

An  Indian  Family,   113 

A  Delaware  Indian  Woman, 114 

The  Budget  of  New  Sweden,  143 

Castle  at  Viborg, 146 

The  Ship  Septer, 150 

Tido  Palace,   166 

Johan  Priutz, 174 

Store-house,     180 

Bill  of  Lading,    184 

S&want  (wampum) , 204 

Mora  house,    212 

Interior  of  the  Mora  house  or  Log-cabin, 214 

Water-mill,    216 

Indian   Testimony,    236 

Title-page  of  the  Geographia  Americae,  254 

Swedish  Log-cabin, 2S8 

Store-houses  from  Finland, 30C 

Peter  Stuyvesant,   30G 

Passport  for  Peter  Lindestrom,  338 

Queen  Christina,   344 


PEEFACE 

This  volume  has  been  prepared  to  meet  the 
demands,  made  from  time  to  time,  for  a  popular 
edition  of  The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the 
Delaware.  It  is  essentially  an  abridgment  of  the 
above-named  work ;  yet  in  some  particulars  it  is  a 
new  book.  It  is  popular  only  in  so  far  that  foot 
notes  and  bibliographical  references  have  been 
omitted:  nowhere  has  the  statement  of  fact  been 
sacrificed  to  the  embellishment  of  language. 

The  book  (which  was  begun  last  summer)  has 
been  written  during  the  spare  hours  of  ^'a  very 
full  schedule"  and  without  the  noble  aid,  inspira- 
tion and  encouragement  of  the  author's  wife  it 
could  not  have  been  finished  for  another  season. 

The  author  also  desires  to  thank  the  many 
scholars  and  others,  here  and  abroad,  who,  in  re- 
views and  private  letters,  have  encouraged  the 
labor  through  favorable  criticism  of  the  earlier 
book.  If  this  little  volume  is  accorded  the  same 
reception  by  critics  and  readers  as  the  large  work, 
the  labor  in  writing  it  has  been  well  worth  while. 

The  Author. 
Philadelphia,  April,  1913. 


PART  I. 

HIntrotruction.  ^toeben  Hfrnmebiatelp  ^recebing  anb 

©uring  tfje  d^ccupation  of  tfje  Belatoare. 


'^E- 


Gustavus  Adolphus.      From  a  painting  at  Skokloster      (H. 


CHAPTER  L 

Political,  Social,  Religious  and  Other  Con- 
ditions IN  Sweden,  1611-1660. 


The  beginning  of  tlie  seventeenth  century  marks 
a  new  era  in  Swedish  history.  The  constructive 
statesmanship  of  the  great  Vasa  (whose  fruits 
were  wasted  by  forty  years  of  misrule)  lived  again 
in  the  famous  Carl  IX  and  in  his  more  famous  son, 
and  during  their  reigns  Sweden  took  first  place 
among  the  powers  of  northern  Europe. 

The  first  sixty  years  of  the  century  was  an  epoch 
of  war.  When  Gustavus  Adolphus  ascended  the 
Swedish  throne  in  1611,  the  armies  of  his  country 
were  engaged  ag'ainst  three  nations,  Denmark, 
Russia  and  Poland.  The  King  was  anxious  to  con- 
clude peace  with  Denmark,  but  this  was  refused 
and  hostilities  continued.  The  enemy,  however, 
had  the  advantage  and  was  able  to  impose  hard 
terms  in  1613,  when  the  two  belligerents  were 
finally  tired  of  the  useless  and  bitter  warfare. 

The  King  could  now  send  more  troops  to  the  aid 
11 


12  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

of  his  generals  in  Rnssia,  and  in  the  summers  of 
1G14  and  1615  he  went  in  person  to  lead  the  ope- 
rations there.  In  February,  1617,  the  Russian  war 
also  came  to  an  end  by  the  treaty  of  Stolbova, 
where  peace  negotiations  had  been  in  progress  for 
nearly  a  year  and  a  half.  Through  this  treaty 
Sweden  acquired  the  territories  of  Ingermanland 
and  Kexholm ;  and  Gustavus  Adolphus  won  two  of 
his  foremost  objects, — Russia  was  pushed  back 
from  the  Baltic,  and  a  natural  northern  boundary 
for  Finland  was  secured  against  the  Cossack 
hordes. 

Poland,  having  lately  renewed  and  firmly  estab- 
lished the  Catholic  religion,  was  ruled  by  a  King  of 
the  Vasa  house,  who  had  a  legal  right  to  the  Swe- 
dish crown.  She  was  the  leading  European  power 
in  the  East  and  the  standard-bearer  of  Catholi- 
cism against  Turks  and  heretics,  and  hence  a  nat- 
ural enemy  of  Sweden;  and  finally  she  possessed 
territory  and  harbors,  that  had  to  be  brought 
under  Swedish  control,  if  the  dream  of  making  the 
Baltic  a  Swedish  inland  sea  should  be  realized  by 
the  statesmen  at  Stockholm.  There  were  there- 
fore various  circumstances  that  might  provoke 
hostilities ;  but  the  immediate  cause  of  the  war  was 
Sigismund's  pretentions  to  the  Swedish  throne, 
and  his  continuous  refusal  to  recognize  Gustavus 
Adolphus  as  the  lawful  king  of  Sweden.     Gustavus 


CONDITIONS  IN  SWEDEN,   1 6i  I- i66o  13 

Adolphus  therefore  determined  to  attack  the 
enemy  in  his  own  country,  and  in  the  summer  of 
1621  he  set  sail  for  Riga  with  a  fleet  of  148  war- 
ships and  ten  yachts,  carrying  about  14,000  selected 
soldiers  on  board,  some  being  mercenaries  from 
Scotland  and  Holland. 

The  brilliant  campaigns  that  followed  under  the 
King  and  his  able  generals  arrested  the  attention 
of  Protestant  Europe,  and  many  of  ihe  new  faith 
called  upon  him  to  become  their  leader  against  the 
Catholics.  He  expressed  his  willingness  to  cham- 
pion the  Protestant  cause,  and  presented  a  com- 
prehensive plan  of  operations,  while  conducting 
diplomatic  conferences  with  the  representatives  of 
England  and  Holland  to  the  same  purpose.  But 
King  Christian  of  Denmark,  always  jealous  of  his 
northern  neighbor,  also  offered  his  services  in 
the  pending  struggle  and,  as  his  conditions  were 
more  moderate  and  his  demands  on  the  allies  less 
exacting  than  those  of  Gustavus  Adolphus,  he  was 
chosen  to  be  the  Gideon  of  the  Evangelical  Union 
in  its  fierce  combat  with  the  Catholic  League. 

The  Swedish  army  and  navy  (both  of  which  had 
been  re-organized  and  largely  increased)  were 
therefore  not  yet  to  be  used  against  the  imperial 
forces.  Gustavus  Adolphus,  hoping  for  more 
favorable  times,  went  to  finish  his  Polish  war,  and, 
after  several  victorious  expeditions  through  which 
Sweden  gained  many  advantages  and  extended  her 


14  THE  SAVEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

territory,  a  six  j^ears'  truce  was  concluded  at  Alt- 
mark  in  1629.* 

King  Christian,  who  in  the  meantime  had  lost 
his  battles  with  the  veteran  Tilly,  was  forced  to 
withdraw  from  the  field.  The  time  now  seemed 
ripe  for  action.  England  and  Holland  were  will- 
ing to  submit  to  the  plans  of  Gustavus  Adolphus. 
The  Protestant  princes  requested  him  to  become 
''the  defender  of  their  heritage",  and  Richelieu 
advised  him  to  take  an  active  part  in  the  contest. 
He  negotiated  with  England,  Holland  and  France, 
but  with  little  result,  as  they  gave  evasive  and  in- 
definite answers.  He  was  now  fully  determined, 
however,  to  enter  the  lists — it  was  a  case  of  avert- 
ing a  future  danger  from  his  own  kingdom — and  in 
the  autumn  of  1629  he  called  a  meeting  of  the 
council  of  state.  This  session  became  a  turning 
point  in  modern  history.  It  was  decided  that 
Sweden  should  take  an  active  part  in  the  Thirty 
Years '  War.f 

After  large  preparations  Gustavus  Adolphus  set 
sail  for  Germany  in  June,  1630,  with  a  picked 
army  of  about  13,000  men.    He  at  once  turned  the 

(*)  These  campaigns,  however,  did  more  than  bring  about 
a  truce  and  place  several  important  cities  under  Swedish 
t-overeignty;  they  prepared  Gustavus  Adolphus  and  his  sol- 
diers for  the  greater  struggle  about  to  begin,  and  furnished 
means   for   its   prosecution. 

(■]-)  The  motives  of  Gustavus  Adolphus  for  taking  part  in 
the  Thiity  Years'  War  are  clearly  stated  in  the  minutes — 
they  were  leligious,  political  and  commercial.  Cf.  Fries, 
Svenska  Kulturbilder,  p.  19  ff. 


CONDITIONS  IN  SWEDEN,   i6 II- l66o  15 

tide  of  events.  He  rescued  the  Reformation  and 
raised  Sweden  to  a  first  class  power  in  European 
politics,  but  his  brilliant  career  was  cut  short  on 
the  memorable  battlefield  of  Liitzen  in  November, 
1632. 

The  government  was  now  placed  in  the  hands 
of  'Hhe  five  high  officers  of  the  kingdom", 
until  Christina  became  of  age,  and  the  war  went 
on.  Success  continued  for  a  time  to  follow  the 
Swedish  forces,  but  the  spell  of  invincibility 
deserted  them  at  Nordlingen  in  1634 ;  and  the  two 
following  years  were  dark  and  full  of  trials  for  the 
Swedish  leaders,  interrupted  only  by  a  few  bril- 
liant achievements  of  Johan  Baner.  Gradually, 
however,  the  sky  brightened.  Swedish  statesmen 
like  Oxenstierna  and  Brahe  and  Swedish  generals 
like  Baner  and  Torstensson  wrought  success  of 
what  appeared  to  be  disaster. 

Denmark  had  kept  aloof  from  an  active  partici- 
pation in  the  Thirty  Years'  War  since  1629.  She 
had  seen  the  increasing  influence  and  power  of 
Sweden  and  her  growing  commercial  interests  and 
far  reaching  plans  with  envious  eyes.  Only  one- 
third  of  the  Swedish  export  and  import  trade,  it 
was  true,  for  the  years  1637-1643  was  carried  on 
Swedish  vessels ;  but  Swedish  ships  had  been  sent 
to  other  continents,  the  Swedish  flag  was  waving 
over  possessions  in  the  New  World,  and  indi- 
cations were  that  the  mastery  of  the  Baltic  would 


i6  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE   DELAWARE 

soon  pass  over  to  the  power  lying  north  of  dre- 
sund.  King  Christian  IV  endeavored  to  assert 
and  sustain  Danish  supremacy  in  the  Baltic  and 
Danish  jurisdiction  in  the  Sound.  A  heavy  toll 
(amounting  to  over  $3,000,000  in  1639)  was  col- 
lected from  vessels  passing  through  the  Strait,  a 
large  part  of  which  was  levied  on  Swedish  mer- 
chandise. Besides,  Swedish  vessels  were  often 
confiscated,  and  the  Danish  king  conducted  a 
regular  warfare  in  everything  but  in  name  against 
his  neighbor.  In  the  peace  negotiations  of 
Sweden,  Denmark  also  played  the  false  friend. 

But  the  opportunity  for  which  Oxenstierna  had 
been  waiting  was  come.  Denmark  was  to  be  at- 
tacked and  the  Swedish  sword  was  to  make  an  end 
of  Danish  interference.  The  Swedish  navy,  which 
had  been  greatly  increased  and  splendidly  equip- 
ped through  Fleming's  efforts,  was  put  in  readi- 
ness, troops  were  mobilized  and  other  prepara- 
tions were  made,  the  real  object  of  which  was  kept 
so  secret  that  not  even  the  Swedish  representative 
at  Copenhagen  knew  the  intentions  of  his  govern- 
ment. In  the  spring  of  16-1:3  Lennart  Torstens- 
son,  who  was  employed  against  the  imperial  forces 
in  Germany,  was  ordered  to  take  his  anny  by 
forced  marches  into  Denmark,  that  he  might  de- 
liver a  decisive  blow,  before  the  enemy  had  time  to 
make  necessary  preparations.  The  plans  were 
eminently  successful,  the  Swedes  being  victorious 


CONDITIONS  IN  SWEDEN,   i6i  1-1660  17 

on  both  land  and  sea,  and  in  tlie  autumn  of  1645  the 
Danes  sued  for  peace.  The  treaty,  signed  at 
Bromsebro,  gave  to  Sweden  the  districts  of  Jamt- 
land  and  Harjedalen  and  the  island  of  Gothland. 

The  Swedish  troops  could  be  sent  once  more 
against  the  imperial  armies,  and  after  various  cam- 
paigns the  Thirty  Years '  War  was  finally  brought 
to  an  end  in  1648  through  the  treaty  of  West- 
phalia. Sweden  was  compensated  by  German  dis- 
tricts in  the  north  and  a  money  indemnity. 

About  a  year  before  the  termination  of  the  Dan- 
ish war  (December,  1644)  Queen  Christina,  being 
of  age,  came  to  the  throne.  During  the  first  years 
of  her  rule  she  took  interest  in  the  state  business, 
but  she  soon  tired  of  the  arduous  duties.  Her  mind 
reverted  to  literature  and  arts.  She  collected 
books  and  art  treasures,  she  called  famous  for- 
eigners to  her  court  and  she  sought  to  establish 
learned  societies.  The  splendors  of  her  court 
were  far  in  excess  of  the  resources  of  her  kingdom. 
Pageants,  court  ballads  and  festivities  of  every 
description  drained  the  treasury  and  occupied  the 
time  of  the  Queen.  Gifts  in  estates  and  privileges 
were  showered  on  favorites  without  number  or 
discretion.  Soon  the  five  million  E.  D.  paid  to 
Sweden  through  the  Westphalian  Treaty  were 
gone,  and  five  million  more  had  followed,  leaving 
the  nation  in  great  debt.  At  last  conditions  be- 
came impossible.     In  1654  she  resigned  her  sceptre 


1 8  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE   DELAWARE 

to  a  stronger  hand,  and  joined  the  church  against 
which  her  father  had  fought.* 

Carl  X  now  grasped  the  reins  of  government. 
But  King  Casimir  of  Poland,  who  pretended  to  the 
Swedish  throne,  would  not  recognize  his  title  to  the 
crown.  Carl  was  therefore  forced  to  declare  war. 
The  Swedish  treasury  was  empty,  and  the  two 
leading  joarties,  the  nobility  and  the  commoners, 
were  pitted  against  each  other  in  a  social  struggle; 
but  the  diet  in  1655  granted  the  King  permission 
to  begin  hostilities,  and  voted  funds  for  his  use. 
There  was  great  enthusiasm  over  the  war  in 
Sweden.  Wealthy  noblemen  contributed  large 
sums  to  the  war-fund  from  their  own  means; 
foreign  soldiers  flocked  to  Sweden  to  enlist  under 
her  victorious  banners ;  and  soon  Carl  X  was  able 
to  move  against  his  foe. 

A  period  of  ahnost  incessant  battles  and  sieges 
followed.  Few  men  in  history  have  given  greater 
surprises  to  their  age  than  Carl  X;  few,  perhaps 
none,  have  accomplished  equal  results  with  the 
same  means  and  in  so  short  a  time.  In  twelve 
months  Poland  lay  bleeding  at  his  feet,  destined 

(*)  Christina  was  born  at  Stockholm  on  December  8,  1626. 
Her  education  was  thorough  and  extensive.  At  the  age  of 
16  she  could  write  and  speak  German  and  Latin  fluently  and 
had   a   good  knowledge  of   Greek. 

In  Innsbruck  she  formally  accepted  the  Catholic  faith  in 
1655  and  settled  in  Rome  for  the  rest  of  her  days  except  at 
short  intervals.  She  revisited  her  native  land  in  1660  and 
again  in  1667  and  made  pretentions  to  the  throne.  Sl}e 
died  at  Rome  i^  April,  1689. 


CONDITIONS  IN  SWEDEN,   1 611-1660  19 

never  to  regain  her  former  power.  Russia,  Austria 
and  Denmark  attacked  liim  almost  simultaneously, 
but  by  a  march  over  a  frozen  sea,  one  of  the 
greatest  feats  on  record,  he  led  his  army  into  the 
heart  of  Denmark,  compelling  this  power  to  sue  for 
a  peace,  that  gave  to  Sweden  the  most  valuable 
territorial  acquisition  in  her  history.  The  great 
warrior  king,  however,  soon  broke  the  peace,  the 
total  annihilation  of  Denmark  being  his  aim,  but 
fortune  failed  him  for  the  first  time.  Cromwell, 
on  whose  influence  he  had  relied,  died,  changing 
the  attitude  of  the  commander  of  the  English  fleet ; 
France  fell  off,  the  Netherlands  took  sides  with  the 
enemy,  and  the  Danish  people  were  aroused  to 
fight  for  their  existence.  In  the  midst  of  tremen- 
dous activities,  the  King  became  ill  during  a  diet 
in  the  beginning  of  1660,  and  on  the  morning  of 
February  13  he  died,  at  the  age  of  thirty-eight. 

II. 

Through  these  wars  and  through  her  efforts  to 
extend  her  power,  her  commerce  and  her  trade, 
Sweden  came  in  contact  with  the  outside  world  to 
a  degree  unknown  in  her  previous  history  since  the 
Viking  age.  Swedish  statesmen  wove  a  network 
of  diplomatic  connections,  which  brought  their 
country  in  touch  with  almost  every  important 
nation  in  the  world,  and  the  government  at  Stock- 
bplm  stretched  the  webs  of  its  diplomacy  to  Hoi- 


20  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

land,  England,  France,  Russia,  Spain,  Portugal, 
the  German  States  and  even  to  Venice,  Italy, 
Persia  and  Turkey. 

Sweden's  political  and  commercial  relations 
with  foreign  countries  concern  us  little  in  this 
treatise  except  those  of  Portugal,  Spain,  Denmark, 
England  and  Holland.  Those  of  the  three  former 
nations  will  be  touched  upon  as  occasion  demands, 
but  those  of  the  two  latter  (being  the  most  im- 
portant for  an  understanding  of  the  commercial 
and  political  successes  and  failures  of  the  Swedes 
during  this  period)  need  a  brief  sketch  here. 

England's  policy  towards  Sweden  was  generally 
one  of  friendship.  To  the  English  of  this  period, 
'^Svecia  was  a  kingdom  rich  in  gold,  silver,  cop- 
per, lead,  iron,  fruit,  cattle,  and  exceeding  increase 
of  fish  of  the  rivers,  lakes  and  sea."  In  1620  one 
G.  Vischer  ( ?)  proposed  to  hire  in  ''Swedland. . . 
men  skilful  in  making  pitch,  tar,  potash  and  soap- 
ashes"  for  the  Virginia  settlement,  and  Swedish 
cannon  and  iron  works  soon  acquired  fame  among 
the  English.  Several  English  representatives  were 
sent  to  Stockholm,  Spens  acting  as  a  minister  for 
both  nations,  and  Swedish  ambassadors  went  to 
London.  But  Swedish  ships  were  often  captured 
by  the  English,  leading  to  complaints  and  compli- 
cations. In  1653  Whitelocke  was  sent  on  his  well- 
known  embassy  to  Queen  Christina.  An  alliance 
and  a  conunercial  treaty  was  effected  in  the  spring 


CONDITIONS  IN  SWEDEN,    l6i  I- l66o  2  1 

of  1654,  later  ratified  by  the  Protector  and  the 
Queen.  In  the  beginning  of  1655  Coyet  set  out  for 
London  with  instruction  to  work  for  an  increase 
''of  the  good  confidence,  which  existed  between 
both  nations",  and  for  an  agreement  upon  the 
limits  between  New  Sweden  and  the  English 
colonies. 

In  the  summer  of  the  same  year  George  Fleet- 
wood, the  son-in-law  of  Cromwell,  was  sent  to 
England  on  a  secret  mission,  and  on  July  28 
Christer  Bonde  made  his  brilliant  entrance  into 
London  with  his  200  followers.  In  this  manner 
the  friendship  with  England  was  established  and 
continued,  and  no  danger  threatened  the  Swedish 
possession  across  the  ocean  from  that  direction. 

Of  foreign  nations,  except  the  immediate  neigh- 
bors, Holland  stood  in  closest  connection  with 
Sweden.  From  Holland,  Sweden  received  many 
of  her  best  and  most  useful  citizens.  Dutch  sol- 
diers served  in  Swedish  armies,  and  Dutch  cap- 
tains and  skippers  commanded  Swedish  ships; 
Swedish  students  went  to  Holland  to  study  com- 
merce, and  Swedish  scholars  gained  inspiration 
from  Dutch  teachers ;  Dutch  money  helped  Sweden 
to  support  her  armies  and  found  her  commercial 
companies  and  Dutch  brains  developed  the  indus- 
tries of  the  country,  and  from  Holland  came  the 
first  impulses  for  successful  transatlantic  trade. 

The  political  relations  between  Sweden  and  Hoi- 


22  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

land  were  friendly  as  a  rule  before  1655.  Sweden 
had  constant  representatives,  correspondents, 
consuls  and  residents  in  Holland  from  an  early 
date.  Dutch  embassies  were  sent  to  Stockholm 
and  Dutch  diplomatic  agents  resided  there  at 
various  times.  Several  treaties  were  made  be- 
tween the  two  nations  (1614,  1618,  1633,  1644,  etc.) 
and  in  1638  and  1639,  the  years  that  mark  the  be- 
ginning of  the  colony  on  the  Delaware,  the  States 
drew  closer  to  Sweden.  In  1644  and  1645  Holland 
proved  a  fast  friend,  but  the  friendly  relations 
were  soon  to  be  severed. 

Holland  and  Sweden  reached  their  liighest  politi- 
cal importance  about  the  same  time,  and  here  lies 
the  explanation  of  their  estrangement.  The  Dutch 
became  jealous  of  the  rising  power  of  the  North. 
In  the  beginning  of  the  century  the  Dutch  con- 
trolled the  shipping  of  the  Baltic,  half  of  their 
enormous  merchant  fleet  sailing  on  its  waters  and 
over  two-thirds  of  the  Swedish  imports  and  ex- 
ports for  the  period  1637-1643  were  carried  on 
foreign  ships,  the  majority  of  which  were  Dutch. 
Swedish  statesmen,  however,  endeavored  to  wrest 
this  supremacy  from  the  Hollanders,  and  through 
their  efforts  Swedish  commerce  and  shipping  in- 
creased greatly.  Sweden  soon  became  the  leading 
power  in  the  north.  The  States,  fearing  this 
supremacy,  sided  with  her  enemies  and  ruined 
many  of  her  great  plans.      When  Sweden  stoocj 


CONDITIONS  IN   SWEDEN,    1611-1660  23 

almost  ready  to  weld  the  three  Scandinavian 
nations  into  one  and  make  the  Baltic  a  Swedish 
inland  sea,  Holland  interfered,  crushing  her  last 
hope  of  success.  The  Swedish  colony  on  the  Dela- 
ware passed  over  to  the  Dutch,  and  the  Swedish 
possessions  in  Africa  (1648-63)  were  captured  by 
the  same  people.  The  Dutch  now  often  seized 
Swedish  merchant  vessels,  and  for  about  half  a 
century  they  did  much  damage  to  Swedish  ship- 
ping and  commerce. 

III. 

In  this  period  Sweden  developed  a  highly  organ- 
ized military  system— in  many  respects  the  best  in 
Europe— and  the  machinery  of  state  was  perfected 
to  a  degree  not  attained  by  any  other  European 
power  at  this  early  date.  The  government  of  the 
King  lost  most  of  its  patriarchal  features,  and  the 
division  of  labor  became  the  watchword  of  the 
period.  The  military  affairs  of  the  nation  were 
placed  in  the  hands  of  the  College  of  War,  the 
management  of  the  navy  was  assigned  to  the  Col- 
lege of  Admiralty  (fully  organized  in  1634) ;  the 
College  of  Mines  (organized  in  1637)  superin- 
tended the  mining  industries;  the  re-organized 
financial  system  was  given  into  the  charge  of  the 
College  of  the  Exchequer  {Kammarhollegium,  or- 
ganized in  1618).  ''A  general  collector  of  cus- 
toms", aided  by  110  assistants  headed  the  custom- 


24  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

house  service  and  an  inspector. superintended  the 
surveying  of  the  country  (these  two  departments 
being  branches  of  the  Kammarhollegium) . 

Finally  a  Commercial  College  (which  has  special 
bearing  on  our  subject)  was  established  to  regu- 
late, control  and  encourage  trade.*  The  first  plans 
for  such  a  college  were  presented  to  the  council  of 
state  in  the  autumn  of  1637.  Its  special  function 
should  be  to  supervise,  increase  and  extend  foreign 
and  domestic  trade.  Klas  Fleming  was  appointed 
president,  and  Johan  Beier,  who  for  years  acted  as 
treasurer  of  the  New  Sweden  Company,  was  made 
secretary.  But  the  college  was  soon  dissolved, 
and  several  attempts  to  re-organize  the  same 
failed.  In  1651,  however,  it  was  definitely  estab- 
lished as  a  department  of  the  government  with 
salaried  officers  and  servants,  and  two  years  later, 
when  Erik  Oxenstierna  became  its  president,  the 
New  Sweden  Company  and  colony  was  entrusted 
to  its  care. 

The  first  written  constitution  of  Sweden,  which 
had  been  prepared  by  Oxenstierna  and  sanctioned 
by  the  King,  was  adopted  in  1634.  Self  govern- 
ment in  Sweden  dates  from  antiquity.  The  king 
circumscribed,  to  some  extent  this  prerogative  of 
the  people  as  time  went  on ;  but  municipal  self-gov- 


(*)  For  a  more  complete  account  of  the  Commercial  Col- 
lege, see  the  author's  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware, 
I.  15  n. 


CONDITIONS  IN  SWEDEN,   i6ii-l66o  25 

eminent  was  never  fully  relinquished  by  the  com- 
moners, and  the  colonists,  who  came  to  the  Dela- 
ware between  1638  and  1664,  were  accustomed  to 
have  a  voice  in  local  affairs,  secular  and  religious. 
The  diet  also,  made  up  as  it  was  of  the  four 
estates  (the  nobility,  the  clergy,  the  peasantry  and 
the  burgesses),  gave  the  people  an  opportunity  of 
participating  in  the  government  of  the  whole  coun- 
try. This  body  was  summoned  by  royal  authority, 
as  circumstances  required  and  questions  of  great 
import  arose,  and  the  members  were  appointed  or 
elected  to  represent  the  various  districts  of  the 
kingdom. 

The  council  of  state  became  an  important  factor 
in  the  government  during  the  seventeenth  century. 
According  to  the  constitution  of  1634  it  was  to  con- 
sist of  25  members,  selected  from  the  principal 
houses  of  the  nobility.  Its  interests  and  activities 
had  a  wide  scope.  It  discussed  every  feature  of 
public  life  at  its  meetings ;  it  decided  questions  of 
peace  and  war;  it  deliberated  about  foreign  and 
domestic  commerce;  it  considered  the  ways  and 
means  of  trading  companies;  it  settled  disputes 
between  city  officials  and  between  companies  and 
individuals ;  it  revised  judgments  of  courts  as  well 
as  court  martials, — in  short  the  entire  religious, 
social  and  domestic  life  of  the  nation  received  its 
attention. 

The  judicial  system  was  re-organized  and  per- 


26  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

fected  iu  this  era  with  the  establishment  of  Svea 
Hofrdtt  (the  first  supreme  court).  Laws  were 
printed  from  time  to  time,  commentaries,  disser- 
tations and  treatises  on  the  old  Swedish  as  well  as 
on  the  old  Roman  law  were  written  and  published, 
and  foreign  books  on  judicial  subjects  were  trans- 
lated. The  old  Swedish  law,  which  at  this  time 
was  made  the  object  of  study  at  the  University  of 
Upsala  and  the  subject  of  investigation  by  scholars 
and  lawyers  of  note,  was  the  foundation  for  all 
proceedings;  but  Roman  law  made  its  influence 
felt,  and  in  many  cases  **the  law  of  Moses"  was 
followed,  when  a  paragraph  in  the  secular  law 
could  not  be  found  to  apply  to  a  case  in  question 
(thus  several  paragraphs  from  the  law  of  Moses 
were  printed  as  an  appendix  to  the  edition  of  the 
Swedish  Law  of  Carl  IX).  It  is  quite  probable 
that  Printz  and  Rising  used  one  or  more  of  the 
ordinances  and  commentaries  published  before 
1653,  and  we  have  at  least  one  instance  among  the 
Swedes  on  the  Delaware  at  which  the  decision  of  a 
ease  was  referred  to  the  law  of  Moses. 

IV. 

The  Reformation  had  fully  permeated  Swedish 
I'eligious  thought  and  life  even  before  this  period. 
It  had  accomplished  permanent  results,  and  the 
Lutheran  church,  under  the  direct  control  of  the 
government,  had  become  firmly  established.    "The 


CONDITIONS  IN  SWEDEN,   i6il-i66o  27 

Bible  of  Gustavus  Adolphus",  a  revision  of  the 
old  translation  of  1541,  was  published  in  1618  and 
several  new  editions  were  issued.  ''A  church 
hand-book"  was  published  in  1614  which  continued 
to  be  used  until  1693.  Several  enlarged  and  re- 
vised editions  of  the  Psalm  Book  appeared  as  well 
as  editions  of  Luther's  Catechism  and  other  trans- 
lations of  foreign  books  of  worship. 

The  large  masses  were  moved  by  the  new  life, 
for  the  Lutheran  Reformation  was  a  movement  of 
the  people,  and  it  improved  their  morals  and  stand- 
ards of  life.  The  Lutheran  clergy  in  Sweden  were 
generally  well  educated,  many  of  them  having 
studied  abroad;  and  there  were  no  more  learned 
preachers  in  America  in  the  seventeenth  century 
than  those  sent  here  by  the  Swedish  government. 

The  vigorous  religious  and  spiritual  life  of  the 
Reformation  gradually  gave  way  to  a  cold,  narrow 
theology,  which  insisted  on  "orthodox  Lutheran- 
ism"  to  the  exclusion  of  "all  other  beliefs";  but 
foreign  religions  were  tolerated  in  the  larger 
cities,  and  there  were  churches  of  the  reformed 
sects  in  Stockholm  and  Gothenburg. 

The  language  was  passing  through  a  stage  of 
transition.  The  Reformation  emphasized  the  use 
of  Swedish,  and  the  reformers  of  religion  also  be- 
came reformers  of  the  language.  They  endeavored 
to  free  their  native  tongue  from  foreign  influence 
and  raise  it  to  the  standards  of  a  cultured  speech 


28  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

by  purifying  its  vocabulary,  standardizing  its 
spelling  and  enriching  its  literature.  The  years 
immediately  following  the  Reformation,  however, 
were  unpropitious  for  '  *  the  cultivation  and  growth 
of  the  national  language."  But  Gustavus  Adol- 
phus  inaugurated  a  new  era.  He  advised  the 
professors  at  the  University  of  Upsala  to  present 
"the  learning  of  the  world"  in  Swedish,  and  he 
instructed  "the  antiquarian  and  historian  of  the 
kingdom  to  collect  words  for  a  complete  Swedish 
dictionary.  Primers  and  other  books  of  instruc- 
tion were  also  issued,  as  a  result  of  "the  new 
awakening."  Scholars  began  to  study  their  na- 
tive language,  to  write  in  the  same  and  to  publish 
linguistic  treatises  about  it.  These  efforts  proved 
so  successful  and  the  language  developed  such 
regularity  that  three-quarters  of  a  century  later 
the  letters,  dispatches  and  instructions  of  the 
chancery  of  this  period  and  the  "Bible  of  1618" 
were  selected  by  a  commission  as  the  norm  for 
' '  the  regulation  of  the  written  language. ' ' 

The  Swedish  language  was  divided  into  several 
dialects  well  defined  within  certain  geographical 
areas.  It  was  not  taught  in  the  schools,  and  there 
\\as  no  standard  of  authority;  consequently  even 
literary  monuments  present  great  variations  in 
spelling  and  other  respects.  The  colonists  on  the 
1  )elaware  came  largely  from  Upland  and  the  north- 


CONDITIONS  IN  SWEDEN,    1611-1660  29 

ern  provinces,  and  hence  they  spoke  the  dialects  of 
these  districts* 

Before  the  seventeenth  century  Sweden  had  no 
poet  of  importance,  and  few  works  of  literary 
value  were  produced ;  but  in  this  epoch  of  enthusi- 
asm for  everything  Swedish  a  list  of  names  meets 
us,  that  have  received  a  permanent  place  in  the 
history  and  literature  of  Sweden.  Bureus  studied 
the  old  language,  collected  runes,  wrote  a  grammar 
and  other  treatises.  His  disciple,  Georg  Stiern- 
hjelm,  composed  a  dictionary,  tried  to  prove  that 
Swedish  was  the  mother  of  the  Germanic  lan- 
guages, foreshadowed  Grimm's  law,  and  earned 
the  title  of  ''the  father  of  Swedish  poetry." 
Wivallius  wrote  lyrics  of  tender  sweetness  and  a 
host  of  other  authors  wrote  ballads  and  stories. 
Foreign  novels  and  romances  were  translated  and 
published  and  folk  ballads  were  collected.  These 
books  were  not  read  by  the  people  in  general ;  but 
it  is  probable  that  the  stories  soon  became  com- 
mon property,  and  we  may  assume  that  at  least  a 
few  of  the  colonists  on  the  Delaware  had  some 
knowledge  of  them. 

Education  measured  by  our  present  day  stand- 
ard was  on  a  low  level.  The  Reformation  broke 
down  old  customs  and  practices  and  it  can  hardly 
be  said  that  it  improved  the  higher  education  and 

(*)  For  a  more  complete  account  of  the  language,  see  the 
author's  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware,  I,  23-25. 


30  THE  SWEDES   ON    THE   DELAWARi^5 

culture  in  the  nation.  It  took  a  generation  to  re- 
establish what  had  been  changed,  in  some  cases 
with  too  violent  a  hand.  But  the  early  refonners 
laid  much  stress  on  the  education  of  the  masses, 
and  their  efforts  were  not  without  result. 

During  the  first  half  of  the  seventeenth  century 
public  schools  were  established  in  many  places  for 
the  instruction  of  the  people,  and  commercial  col- 
leges were  founded,  where  merchants  could  be 
trained  in  the  most  necessary  branches  of  busi- 
ness. Secondary  schools  and  so-called  Gymnasier 
were  created,  which  gave  courses  preparatory  to 
the  university.  The  University  of  XJpsala  was  re- 
organized, and  new  universities  were  chartered  at 
Abo  and  Dorpat.  The  Eoyal  Library  in  Stock- 
holm and  the  University  Library  at  Upsala  date 
from  this  j^eriod ;  the  Eoyal  Archives  and  the  Col- 
lege of  Antiquity  as  well  as  the  first  Swedish  news- 
papers owe  their  existence  to  this  enterprising- 
age. 

Education,  especially  that  of  the  people,  was 
under  the  direct  control  of  the  Church,  and  the 
knowledge  imparted  was  largely  religious.  The 
first  instruction  was  given  at  home,  afterwards 
sujiplemented  by  the  Church.  It  was  the  business 
of  the  Church  to  see  to  it  that  her  members  under- 
stood her  teachings,  and  her  best  men  such  as 
Paulinus^  Kudbeckius  and  others  wrote  books  on 
pedagogy  and  labored  with  much  diligence  "to 


CONDITIONS  IN  SWEDEN,   1 6ii-i66o  31 

scatter  the  spiritual  darkness*"  of  their  country 
LajTnen  like  Per  Bralie,  Axel  Oxenstierna,  Johan 
Skytte,  De  la  Gardi  and  Gyllengren  did  much  to 
improve  the  instruction  and  organize  the  school 
system  of  this  period.  Amos  Cominius  (or  Ko- 
mensky),  the  great  pedagogue  who  was  several 
centuries  in  advance  of  his  contemporaries,  was 
twice  called  to  Sweden  for  the  purpose  of  re-organ- 
izing the  schools  according  to  his  educational 
theories.  At  the  expense  of  the  government  he 
was  engaged  to  write  a  series  of  pedagogical 
works,  many  of  which  were  translated  into  Swe- 
dish, in  some  cases  going  through  a  number  of 
editions. 

It  is  natural  that  such  efforts  should  bear  fruit. 
Even  in  1632  Professor  Menius  of  Dorpat,  speak- 
ing of  higher  education  said :  ' '  That  Melancthon  's 
prophecy  was  about  to  be  fulfilled,  that  the  liberal 
arts,  expelled  from  the  countries,  where  they 
formerly  flourished,  .  .  .  would  find  refuge 
in  the  north."  The  thought  and  discussions  in 
the  earlier  part  of  the  century  with  reference  to 
public  education  finally  crystallized  into  the  school 
ordinance  of  1649,  "with  a  system  of  instruction 
equal  to  which  no  other  country  could  show  a  par- 
allel, whether  we  refer  to  the  completeness  and 
thoroughness  of  the  formal  and  pedagogical  prin- 
ciples  or  the  extent  or  content  of  the  materia] 
studied. ' ' 


32  THE  SWEDES  ON  THE  DELAWARE 

The  illiteracy  of  the  common  people  continued 
to  be  great,  however,  and  superstition  and  ignor- 
ance held  sway  over  their  minds.  They  were  not 
always  willing  to  accept  the  innovations  and  im- 
provements offered,  and  fines  and  other  punish- 
ments were  often  imposed  ''to  compel  the  stub- 
born to  submit"  to  the  new  order  of  things.  Grad- 
ually there  came  a  change.  In  1663  Terserius  as- 
serts ''that  in  Leksand*  and  mostly  in  East  Da- 
larna  it  is  counted  as  a  monstrosity,  if  a  boy  or 
girl  of  ten  or  eleven  years  cannot  read  in  a  book. ' ' 
A  common  gunner  on  the  expedition  of  the  Katt 
in  1649  kept  an  interesting  journal  of  the  voyage, 
and  several  of  the  soldiers,  who  had  served  in  New 
Sweden,  sent  written  applications  to  the  govern- 
ment. Twenty-seven  or  more  out  of  the  forty- 
eight  colonists,  who  signed  the  oath  of  allegiance 
in  New  Sweden  on  June  9,  could  write.  The  other 
nineteen  signed  only  their  initials  or  made  their 
marks.  It  is  therefore  certain  that  a.  fair  number 
of  the  early  Swedish  settlers  on  the  Delaware 
could  not  only  read  but  also  write,  and  the  illiter- 
acy among  them  was  not  larger,  perhaps  less  than 
among  the  colonists  of  other  plantations  in 
America. 

The  natural  sciences  had  received  little  attention 
in  Sweden  before  1600,  and  doctors  were  almost 

(*)     A  district  in  Dalarna,  northern  Sweden  (see  map.) 


CONDITIONS  IN  SWEDEN,   l6 1  i-l66o  33 

unknown  except  at  the  court.  Foreign  physicians 
were  gradually  invited,  however.  Medical  works 
were  written,  and  professors  were  appointed  to 
teach  the  subject  at  the  University  of  Upsala;  but 
it  took  half  a  century  for  the  science  to  divorce 
itself  from  theology  and  the  Bible,  and  not  before 
Rudbeck  (1630-1702),  who  as  a  youth  of  twenty- 
two  discovered  the  lymphatic  canal,  did  Sweden 
produce  an  investigator  of  note  in  this  field.  The 
barber  masters  (barber-surgeons)  were  here  as  in 
other  countries  the  doctors  and  physicians.  They 
were  employed  in  the  navy,  in  the  army  and  by  the 
people  at  large.  They  performed  operations  and 
prescribed  medicine,  which  in  many  cases,  how- 
ever, consisted  of  incantations  and  quack  cures. 

V. 

Class  distinctions  were  more  pronounced  than 
in  our  day.  The  peasants  and  burghers  formed 
classes  by  themselves;  above  these  stood  the  no- 
bility, and  a  middle  class  can  hardly  be  spoken  of. 
The  Swedish  peasant,  however,  was  a  free  man. 
His  voice  was  heard  at  the  ting,  and  he  retained 
much  of  the  old-time  liberty,  which  his  fellows  in 
other  countries  had  lost  long  before.  Many 
heathen  customs  still  clung  to  him,  and  he  pos- 
sessed a  knowledge  of  runes  as  late  as  the  time  of 
Olaus  Rudbeck.  Much  of  the  Viking  nature  lived 
in  his  strong  form,  and  he  objected  to  rigid  laws 


34  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

and  stringent  rules.  He  was  skilled  in  all  kinds  of 
manual  arts  (slojd).  He  made  his  wagons  and  his 
sleds,  his  plows  and  his  harrows,  his  rakes  and 
hayforks;  he  made  his  shoes  of  wood,  birchbark 
or  leather;  he  made  his  furniture,  his  wooden 
spoons  and  dippers,  his  cups  and-  saucers,— in 
short  practically  everything  he  used;  and  the 
Swedish  house-wife  could  weave,  knit  and  sew 
skillfully.  Since  the  common  people  never  lost 
their  freedom  to  the  same  extent  as  in  the  rest  of 
Europe,  poverty  was  less  prevalent  than  else- 
where at  this  time;  and  Ogier,  the  French  Am- 
bassador, says  that  "the  Swedish  peasants  were 
neither  poorly  nor  inconveniently  dressed  and 
prosperity  was  more  evenly  distributed  in  Sweden 
than  in  other  countries." 

The  national  consciousness  was  strong.  There 
was  an  enthusiasm  for  the  Swedish  language  and 
Swedish  history.  Foreign  ambassadors  at  Stock- 
holm were  welcomed  in  Swedish — ' '  the  mother  of 
other  languages" — and  foreign  representatives 
abroad  were  addressed  in  the  same  tongue,  if  they 
were  pretentious  enough  to  use  their  own  native 
speech.  It  was  a  period,  when  Swedish  scholars 
delved  into  the  misty  past  and  located  the  cradle 
of  the  human  race  in  their  country ;  it  was  an  epoch 
when  Swedish  generals  led  victorious  armies  over 
half  of  Europe;  it  was  an  age,  when  Swedish 
statesmen  held  the  destinies  of  nations  in  their 


CONDITIONS  IN  SWEDEN,   1611-1660  35 

1495548 

hands,  when  Swedish  kings  dreamed  of  world 
power,  and  when  Swedisli  leaders  stretched  their 
arms  across  the  oceans,  and  made  settlements  on 
two  continents  that  were  to  become  New  Swedens. 
The  enthusiasm  of  youth  permeated  the  nation  and 
drove  it  on  to  deeds,  that  an  older  power  of  twice 
its  size  would  not  have  attempted.  Patriotism 
ran  high  and  national  pride  verged  on  chauvinism. 
No  wonder  that  Gov.  Printz  with  a  handful  of  men 
talked  the  language  of  a  general  with  an  army  at 
his  back  to  give  emphasis  to  his  words,  and  that 
Rising  with  high-handed  authority  captured  Fort 
Casimir ! 

Such  were  the  people  (and  such  their  condition) 
from  among  whom  came  the  colonists  on  the  Del- 
aware. 

Conditions  in  Finland,  whence  many  of  the  Del- 
aware colonists  came,  resembled  those  in  Sweden. 
The  country  being  united  with  Sweden  since  the 
middle  ages  had  absorbed  much  of  the  superior 
culture  of  its  conquerors,  and  adopted  the  religion 
of  these.  It  was  stated  in  1639  that  the  people 
could  "read  their  pieces  from  the  catechism  and 
their  morning  and  evening  prayers,"  and  a  few 
years  later  a  bishop  of  Abo  asserted  that  "it  had 
come  so  far  that  almost  all  below  twenty  or  thirty 
years  were  able  to  read  their  mother  tongue  flu- 
ently." Quite  similar  reports  came  from  other 
bishops.    The  Swedish  language  had  made  great 


S6  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

headway  among  the  Finns  at  this  time,  especially 
among  the  higher  and  wealthier  classes.  The  peas- 
ants along  the  coast  (even  those  of  Finnish  birth) 
also,  as  a  rule,  acquired  a  knowledge  of  the  lan- 
guage, which  made  it  easy  for  the  Swedes  and 
Finns  to  associate. 

As  the  country  was  poor  the  Finns  had  a  great 
desire  to  migrate,  large  numbers  going  to  Sweden 
and  other  places.  It  was  said  that  the  Finns  were 
lazy  and  indolent  at  home,  and  that  they  would 
rather  spend  their  time  above  the  fire-place  of 
their  primitive  dwellings  than  clear  away  the  for- 
ests or  till  their  small  patches  of  ground;  but  in 
new  surroundings  they  became  industrious  and 
''worked  for  two." 

The  population  of  Sweden  and  Finland  was 
about  1,000,000  in  1645,  making  about  three  in- 
habitants to  every  square  mile.  The  entire  city 
population  was  only  about  125,000.  It  is  therefore 
evident  that  there  was  no  overflow  population, 
compelled  through  lack  of  room,  to  seek  new  homes 
on  the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic.  And  yet  other 
things  being  normal  the  reasons  for  migration  are 
not  always  over-population  in  a  relative  sense,  for 
what  would  be  a  large  population  in  England  or 
Belgium  would  be  more  than  over-population  in 
Sweden.  There  seems  to  have  been  an  element  in 
Sweden  at  this  time,  which  could  have  been  spared 
without  much  loss  to  the  nation,  and  Governor 


CONDITIONS  IN   SWEDEN,    1611-1660  37 

Rising  suggested  that  all  those  who  would  not 
work  should  be  sent  to  the  Delaware  colony,  where 
they  would  either  have  to  work  or  starve.  The 
larger  cities  sheltered  many  poor  who  were  out 
of  work ;  if  these  would  have  migrated  to  America 
they  would  have  been  relieved  of  much  suffering, 
opportunity  would  have  been  given  them  for  im- 
proving their  condition  and  the  community  would 
have  been  freed  of  a  great  burden. 


CHAPTER  II. 

Industries,  Commerce  and  Trading  Companies. 


The  military  and  political  organization  of 
Sweden  was  in  advance  of  the  age,  offering  mod- 
els to  France,  Denmark  and  other  countries,  but 
her  industrial  and  commercial  development  was 
just  beginning.  The  many  wars  and  intimate  for- 
eign relations,  however,  brought  the  nation  into 
close  touch  with  the  greatest  commercial  countries 
of  the  world.  It  profited  by  experience,  and  made 
great  advances  during  the  period  of  Swedish  rule 
on  the  Delaware.  The  armies  needed  cannon, 
muskets,  swords  and  other  implements  of  war.  It 
was  cheaper  to  make  them  at  home  than  to  import 
them  from  abroad,  as  raw  material  was  to  be  had 
in  inexhaustible  quantities,  and  besides  money  was 
lacking  with  which  to  buy.  The  country  being  new 
and  undeveloped,  offered  better  opportunities  to 
capitalists  than  the  old  industrial  centres,  and  in 
return  for  special  privileges,  titles,  landgrants, 
in  addition  to  the  regular  remuneration  that  comes 
to  the  shrewd  business  man,  wealthy  Dutchmen 

39 


40  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

like  De  Geer,  Spiring  and  others,  were  induced 
to  invest  capital  in  Swedish  industries,  and  to  es- 
tablish manufactories  of  various  kinds.  Foreign 
laborers  were  engaged  in  large  numbers,  and 
Swedish  mechanics  were  sent  abroad  to  study  the 
best  methods  used  there. 

As  a  result  the  products  of  Swedish  iron  works, 
especially  cannon  and  firearms,  became  famous 
throughout  Europe.  The  latter  were  manufac- 
tured in  such  quantities  that  in  1642,  the  very 
time  when  Sweden  supported  and  equipped  large 
armies  on  German  battlefields,  a  thousand  mus- 
kets, a  thousand  cuirasses  and  quantities  of  other 
implements  of  war  ''could  be  sold  or  given  to 
Portugal."  Swedish  cannon  had  become  so  fa- 
mous in  England  at  the  middle  of  the  century  that 
Whitelocke  was  ordered  to  buy  them  on  his  em- 
bassy to  Stockliolm  in  1654. 

The  textile  and  clothing  industries  likewise  re- 
ceived an  impetus  from  the  wars.  To  buy  mili- 
tary clothes  and  other  accoutrements  from  Hol- 
land or  England  appeared  uneconomical,  since 
Sweden  weekly  exported  shiploads  of  wool,  skins, 
unprepared  hides  and  suchlike  materials.  Gus- 
tavus  Adolphus  therefore  arranged  a  conference 
with  re]iresentatives  from  the  various  cities  and 
provinces  of  the  kingdom  to  propose  ways  and 
means  for  the  establishment  of  textile  and  cloth- 
ing factories,  so  that  the  needs  of  the  armies  could 


.,wljl 


■il!L. 


The  reading-room  in  the  Royal  Library  (Stockholm), 
relating  to  the  colony. 


showing  volumes 


INDUSTRIES,  COMMERCE  AND  TRADING  COMPANIES   41 

be  supplied  at  home.  Successful  private  factories 
were  also  operated  during  this  period,  and  Count- 
ess Oxenstierna  founded  a  clothing  factory  at 
Tyreso,  which  proved  a  paying  venture.  Shoe 
and  glove  factories  are  also  mentioned  at  this  time, 
but  they  appear  to  have  been  of  small  importance. 
Glass  factories  were  also  started.  Paul  Gangunkel 
built  a  factory  in  Bergkvarna,  where  window- 
panes  and  glass  of  every  description  were  made. 
Benjamin  Bonnell,  later  factor  of  the  New  Sweden 
Company,  was  interested  in  the  business,  and  Mel- 
chior  Young  established  glass  works  near  Stock- 
holm in  1643,  having  hired  w^orkmen  abroad,  prob- 
ably in  Holland.  To  aid  the  industry  the  importa- 
tion of  glass  to  Sweden  was  forbidden  at  certain 
times. 

Copper  mining  reached  its  highest  development 
in  this  period,  and  proved  a  great  source  of  reve- 
nue for  the  crown,  as  Sweden  had  the  richest  cop- 
per mines  in  the  world.  Silver  raining  was  also 
conducted  with  great  energy,  but  the  results  were 
unsatisfactory. 

Brickyards  were  common  in  Sweden  during  the 
first  part  of  the  seventeenth  century  and  earlier. 
A  considerable  number  of  bricks  were  exported 
from  Upsala,  Stak  and  Strangnas.  Members  of 
the  aristocracy  established  brickyards,  where 
bricks  were  made  for  their  large  buildings,  and  in 
a  few  cases  they  also  produced  bricks  for  sale.  The 


42  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

colonists  on  the  Delaware  were  therefore  not  un- 
accustomed to  this  industry. 

Paper  was  manufactured  in  Upsala  at  an  early 
date,  and  the  paper  makers  were  commanded  to  in- 
struct Swedish  youths  in  the  trade.  Soap  works 
for  making  soft  soaps  as  well  as  complexion  soaps 
and  starch,  sugar  and  potash  factories  were  op- 
erated on  a  small  scale.  Saltmaking  was  repeat- 
edly tried.  Powder  was  manufactured  in  large 
quantities,  which  in  its  turn  gave  rise  to  the  salt- 
petre industry. 

Brewing  was  an  important  industry,  beer  being 
the  favorite  beverage,  and  every  city  brewed  its 
ale,  which  was  named  according  to  its  strength  as 
spisol,  fogdeol,  svenneol,  sotol,  etc. 

Shipbuilding  received  a  new  impetus  after  1611. 
The  Swedish  navy  and  merchant  marine,  which 
had  almost  disappeared  since  the  days  of  the  great 
Vasa,  began  to  assume  new  importance,  due  to  the 
wars  and  increased  commerce.  Ships  were  built 
in  the  native  harbors,  while  others  were  bought 
in  Holland.  Officers  for  the  vessels  and  carpenters 
for  the  ship-yards  were  hired  abroad,  largely  from 
Holland.  The  results  were  soon  apparent.  Stock- 
holm, which  in  1611  was  without  a  single  ship  (if 
the  statement  in  the  histories  be  correct)  possessed 
49  vessels  in  1651.  In  the  same  year  Gothenburg 
had  18,  which  three  years  later  had  increased  to 
147,  while  other  staple  towns  owned  1,000  ships. 


INDUSTRIES,  COMMERCE  AND  TRADING  COMPANIES   4  3 

Shipbuilding  tended  to  develop  other  industries, 
as  the  Swedish  statesmen  and  leaders  of  industry 
tried  to  provide  the  necessary  ship  materials  at 
home  without  going  abroad  for  them.  Rope-walks 
were  operated  at  Stockholm,  at  Viistervik  and 
other  places ;  sailcloth  was  manufactured  at  Stock- 
holm and  was  also  bought  in  large  quantities  from 
the  peasants  of  northern  Sweden,  who  were  skilled 
in  weaving;  anchors,  nails  and  iron  articles  re- 
quired for  the  ships  and  shipbuilding  were  either 
made  in  Stockholm  at  the  factories  of  the  govern- 
ment or  bought  from  private  persons  in  the  king- 
dom; masts  were  cut  in  the  forests  of  northern 
Sweden  and  planks,  boards  and  the  like  were  ob- 
tained from  the  saw-mills  in  the  various  provinces. 

Agriculture  was,  as  it  is  and  always  has  been, 
the  most  important  industry  of  the  nation.  Large 
quantities  of  grain  were  exported,  except  in  years 
of  famine  and  failure  of  crops,  and,  between  the 
years  1637-1642,  2,400,000  bushels  were  sent  to  for- 
eign markets.  The  government  also  endeavored 
to  improve  farming  and  cattle  raising.  German 
and  Dutch  cultivators  were  invited  into  the  coun- 
try to  teach  the  Swedes  better  methods  of  tilling 
the  soil,  and  new  species  of  grain  and  new  breeds 
of  cattle  were  introduced.  German  and  Dutch 
sheep  were  imported,  which  the  peasants  were 
compelled  to  exchange  for  their  own.  Dutchmen 
skilled  in  butter  and  cheese  making  were  induced 


44  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

to  settle  near  Gothenburg  and  other  places,  from 
whom  the  Swedish  peasants  learnt  new  and  im- 
proved methods.  Despite  all  endeavors,  however, 
the  agricnlture  of  Sweden  and  Finland  made  slight 
progress  during  the  period.  The  continual  con- 
scriptions removed  large  numbers  of  the  farming 
class  from  the  country  and  hundreds  of  farms 
were  left  untilled  on  account  of  the  wars.  To 
remedy  this  state  of  alfairs  the  government 
granted  freedom  from  taxes  and  other  concessions 
for  a  i3eriod  to  those  who  settled  on  deserted  home- 
steads; but  even  "such  dispensations  often  went 
begging"  and  hundreds  of  once  fertile  fields  lay 
for  years  uncultivated  and  covered  with  weeds. 

The  government's  policy  of  favoring  the  cities 
at  the  expense  of  the  country  was  one  of  the  ob- 
stacles to  the  prosperity  of  the  farming  communi- 
ties and  the  success  of  agriculture.  The  spirit  of 
the  age  was  commercial.  As  it  was  thought  that 
cities  alone  could  conduct  trade  to  advantage,  and, 
as  the  custom  service  was  aided  b}"  the  concen- 
tration of  commerce  at  a  few  points,  laws  were 
made  to  favor  urban  communities.  The  country 
people  were  allowed  to  trade  only  with  the  cities, 
all  trade  among  themselves  being  forbidden,  and 
goods  shipped  to  foreign  ports  must  first  be  sent  to 
the  staple  towns,  which  enjoyed  special  privileges. 
Farmers,  mechanics  and  skilled  worlmien  were 
often  ordered  to  remove  to  towns  or  cities.     In 


INDUSTPJES,  COMMERCE  AND  TRADING  COMPANIES  45 

case  of  rei'iisal  tlioy  were  pressed  into  military  ser- 
vice or  carried  by  force  to  the  cities  and  their 
rural  homes  were  demolished.  By  these  stringent 
means  many  new  towns  were  founded,  and  some 
of  the  older  cities  became  prosperous  and  in- 
creased in  population,  aiding  industry  and  com- 
merce. 

II. 

The  government  naturally  paid  much  attention 
to  the  means  of  communication.  As  country  roads, 
canals  and  other  inland  waterways  were  the  thor- 
oughfares of  domestic  commerce  and  of  immense 
importance  in  the  transportation  of  troops  and 
munitions  of  war,  the  King  and  his  statesmen 
paid  particular  attention  to  them.  The  old  high- 
ways were  greatly  improved,  new  ones  were  con- 
structed through  the  northern  provinces,  even  as 
far  as  to  the  borders  of  Russia ;  and  soon  Sweden 
had  one  of  the  best  road  systems  in  Europe.  When 
Whitelocke  made  his  long  journey  from  Gothen- 
burg to  Stockholm  in  1654  he  could  write: 

"The  way  was  very  good  and  it  was  much  to  the 
cheering  of  Whitelocke  and  his  company  in  so  long  a 
journey,  a  time  of  so  much  hard  weather  and  where  other 
accommodations  were  wanting,  to  find  generally  such 
good  highways..  .  .Hardly  any  other  country  affords 
better  ways  than  these." 

An  extensive  system  of  canals  was  proposed  for 
Finland  and  Sweden.    The  Hjalmare  canal,  begun 


46        THE  SWEDES  ON  THE  DELAWARE 

in  1629,  was  ready  for  traffic  in  1640, — this  at  a 
time  when  England  did  not  possess  a  single  canal. 
A  nnmber  of  other  canals  and  waterways  were  pro- 
jected and,  in  some  cases,  finished  in  this  period. 

Regular  communication  of  news  from  foreign 
countries  at  short  intervals  became  a  necessity  in 
the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century.  Corre- 
spondents were  therefore  appointed  at  various  im- 
jDortant  centres,  and  Englishmen,  Hollanders,  Ger- 
mans, Frenchmen  and  even  Italians  were  induced 
to  enter  the  Swedish  service,  before  a  sufficient 
number  of  trained  natives  could  be  found  for  such 
posts.  Out  of  this  institution  grew  the  post-office. 
As  early  as  the  summer  of  1620  a  regular  postal 
service  once  a  week  was  established  between  Ham- 
burg and  Stockholm,  and  other  routes  were  begun. 
A  few  years  later  ''the  post-office  within  the  coun- 
try ....  was  extended  'to  all  the  provinces' 
in  the  whole  kingdom  of  Sweden."  In  1642-3  the 
system  was  reorganized,  and  Johan  Beier,  the 
treasurer  of  the  New  Sweden  Company,  was  made 
postmaster  general.  Several  changes  occurred 
from  time  to  time,  but  Beier  remained  in  the  ser- 
vice until  1654.  The  postal  service  was  of  great 
importance  to  Swedish  commerce,  since  the  trad- 
ing companies,  merchants  and  others  interested  in 
foreign  markets,  could  now  obtain  correct  and 
speedy  information  about  prices  and  the  move- 
ments of  ships. 


INDUSTRIES,  COMMERCE  AND  TRADING  COMPANIES   47 

Domestic  trade  attained  large  proportions  in  the 
seventeenth  century.  It  passed  to  a  great  extent 
from  foreigners  into  the  hands  of  native  mer- 
chants, complaints  even  being  made  that  too  many 
people  left  their  farms  to  become  traders ;  but  as 
late  as  1650,  however,  foreign  merchants  con- 
trolled a  goodly  share  of  the  city  trade. 

The  export  and  import  trade  also  increased 
greatly.  A  considerable  percentage  of  Swedish 
shipping  was  in  the  hands  of  foreigners,  as  we 
have  seen;  but  the  government  encouraged  ship- 
building and  the  expansion  of  Swedish  commerce 
through  various  privileges,  reductions  of  duty  on 
cargoes  carried  by  Swedish  vessels  and  other  fa- 
vors with  such  gratifying  results  that  the  tonnage 
of  the  Swedish  merchant  marine  increased  over  a 
hundred  fold  during  the  years  1611-1660.  Swedish 
ships  went  to  England,  Holland,  Spain,  Portugal, 
Russia  and  practically  every  port  in  Europe,  the 
Barbadoes,  the  Canaries  and  to  America  and  Af- 
rica. The  principal  articles  of  export  were  masts, 
lumber,  grain,  hides,  copper,  iron  ore,  cannon  and 
other  implements  of  war;  the  incoming  cargoes 
consisted  mainly  of  shoes,  clothes,  cloth,  salt,  to- 
bacco and  articles  of  luxury. 

Drafts  were  used  very  extensively.  Insurance 
was  also  common,  and  both  ships  and  cargoes  were 
often  insured  against  loss.    Goods  and  ships  were 


48  ■    The  swSdes  on  the  Delaware 

bought  and  sold  tliroiigli  agents,  who  were  paid  a 
certain  brokerage. 

Money  played  a  larger  part  than  ever  before. 
The  currency  used  in  the  business  transactions  of 
the  company  and  in  Sweden  in  general  at  the  time 
was  the  Riksdaler,  the  Florin  and  the  Dciler  (which 
was  of  two  kinds,  the  copper  and  the  silver  Daler). 
The  Riksdaler,  the  Florin  and  the  Copper  Daler 
were  always  reduced  to  Balers  in  silver  money  in 
the  official  journal  of  the  comjiany,  and  the  salaries 
and  wages  of  the  officers  and  servants  in  the  em- 
ploy of  the  company  in  Sweden  were  paid  in 
"Daler  silver  money."  The  weights  and  meas- 
ures used  in  the  colony  and  by  the  company  in 
Europe  were:  the  aln  (nearly  two  English  feet), 
the  fot  (a  little  less  than  an  English  foot),  the 
famn  (fathom,  1  9/10  of  a  yard)  the  Swedish  mile 
(a  little  over  6V1>  English  miles),  the  German  com- 
mon mile  (about  4  3/5  English  miles),  the  tunn- 
land  (a  little  over  an  acre  in  size),  the  Swedish 
tunna  (barrel,  about  33  gallons),  the  lispund 
(about  181/2  English  pounds),  the  SiredisJi  pund 
or  Skdlpund  (pound,  a  little  less  than  the  English 
pound),  the  skeppund  (generally  about  400  lbs), 
and  finally  the  last,  which  was  about  two  tons  or  a 
little  more,  representing  the  tonnage  of  a  ship.* 

The  old  Julian  calender  was  used  in  Sweden  and 

(*)  For  a  more  complete  statement  about  Swedish  money, 
w  i",hts  and  measures,  see  the  author's  Swedish  Settlements 
on  the  Delaware,  I,  41-42. 


INDUSTRIES,  COMMERCE  AND  TRADING  COxMPANIES   49 

in  New  Sweden.  It  was  ten  days  earlier  than  the 
Dutch  calender  of  the  period  and  that  of  the  pres- 
ent day.  The  English  (we  shall  meet  their  method 
of  designating  time  in  the  following  pages)  began 
their  year  on  March  25.  In  other  respects  their 
time  was  the  same  as  that  of  the  Swedes,  the  only 
chance  for  confusion  being  that  the  first  two 
months  of  the  Swedish  year  were  the  last  two  of 
the  English. 

It  was  a  period  of  restrictions  and  government 
supervision  and  of  combinations  and  trading  so- 
cieties. Merchants  were  restricted  by  law  to  the 
handling  of  but  one  article  of  trade,  except  by 
special  permission.  They  belonged  to  certain 
privileged  societies  according'  to  their  particular 
trade.  The  master-workers  of  practically  all  handi- 
crafts were  divided  into  guilds  and  corporations, 
which  were  very  exclusive  and  guarded  with  the 
greatest  jealousy  against  the  intrusion  of  out- 
siders. ''In  Sweden,"  said  Klas  Fleming,  "any 
citizen  may  by  chance  become  a  king,  but  for  him 
to  become  a  tanner  is  impossible."  As  time  went 
on,  however,  the  restrictions  were  to  some  extent 
removed. 

III. 

It  was  pre-eminently  an  age  of  commercial  com- 
panies. Christian  II  of  Denmark  (1481-1559), 
who  was  also  for  a  time  king  of  Sweden,  was  per- 


50  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

haps  the  first  to  suggest  a  trading  company  for 
the  north,  but  his  scheme  failed.  Tlie  Scandina- 
vian countries  were  not  ripe  for  such  an  organiza- 
tion. About  half  a  century  later  a  commercial 
company  was  chartered  at  Gothenburg  for  the  pur- 
pose of  conducting  an  extensive  trade,  but  it  failed. 
A  general  trading  company  was  founded  in  1615. 
Its  charter  was  to  be  in  force  for  ten  years.  It  was 
to  erect  warehouses  and  to  buy  and  sell  ships  as 
well  as  staple  commodities  in  foreign  and  domestic 
markets ;  and  it  was  given  rebate  in  excises.  Four 
years  later  several  influential  men  decided  to  or- 
ganize a  commercial  company,  which  was  given  a 
monopoly  on  foreign  trade,  and  granted  privileges 
to  buy  and  sell  all  kinds  of  merchandise.  Within 
the  next  few  years  several  other  companies  were 
chartered,  but  they  were  all  of  small  importance, 
except  the  copper  company,  which  did  a  large 
business.  A  colonizing  company  was  also  formed, 
but  it  was  dissolved  after  a  short  time.  In  1624 
the  famous  South  Company  saw  the  light  of  day, 
and  five  years  later  a  French  company  was 
founded,  for  trade  with  Russia.  In  1632  an  am- 
bitious plan  was  launched  to  establish  direct  com- 
mercial communications  across  the  continent  with 
India  and  Persia;  and  in  1635  some  English  mer- 
chants at  Gothenburg  applied  for  the  privilege  of 
establishing  a  commercial  company.  These  activi- 
ties continued  throughout  the  following  decade 


(  7^i>^^9^^^^ 


Willem    Usselinx. 


INDUSTRIES,  COMMERCE  AND  TRADING  COMPANIES  5  I 

and  hardly  a  year  passed,  wliicli  did  not  see  the 
formation  of  a  trading  company  of  some  kind.  The 
ship  company  established  in  1646-47,  the  Swedish 
African  Company  projected  in  1647,  and  the  tar- 
company  founded  in  1648  were  important  organi- 
zations; the  other  plans  were  either  of  small  con- 
sequence or  were  never  executed.  Several  capital- 
ists joined  the  above  mentioned  African  company 
and  in  a  few  years  its  stock  was  relatively  large. 
It  traded  in  slaves,  ebony  and  gold,  and  was  very 
successful,  tending  to  divert  money  from  the  treas- 
ury of  the  New  Sweden  Company.  A  tract  of  land 
was  bought  from  the  natives  along  the  Gold  Coast, 
where  several  forts  and  factories  were  erected. 
Tho  colony  came  under  Danish  and  Dutch  rule  for 
a  short  period,  but  was  reoccupied  by  Sweden.  It 
was  finally  captured  by  the  Dutch  in  1663,  when 
the  company  practically  came  to  an  end.* 

The  most  ambitious  and  the  best  known  of  these 
trading  societies  is  the  (already  referred  to) 
South  Company,  organized  by  Willem  Usselinx, 
the  famous  founder  of  the  Dutch  West  India  Com- 
pany. Failing  to  receive  from  his  native  land 
what  he  thought  to  be  his  dues,  he  left  Holland  in 
the  beginning  of  1624  with  the  avowed  purpose  of 
entering  the  service  of  several  Dutch  mercantile 

(*)  For  a  more  complete  list  and  account  of  the  trading 
companies  in  Sweden  before  1664,  see  tlie  author's  Swedish 
Settlements  on  the  Delaware,  I,  44-51. 


52  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

houses  at  Dauzig.  On  his  way,  however,  he  visited 
several  commercial  cities  in  the  north  among  which 
was  Gothenburg. 

Gustavus  Adolphus  had  attracted  the  attention 
of  Europe  through  his  campaigns  in  Poland,  and 
his  fame  had  been  spread  far  and  wide  by  the  suc- 
cess of  the  Swedish  arms  in  Russia.  He  had  called 
many  Dutchmen  to  Sweden  and  appointed  them 
to  positions  of  distinction  and  honor;  and  he  was 
laboring  for  the  commercial,  political,  and  social 
uplift  of  his  people.  May  we  not  therefore  sup- 
l^ose  that  Usselinx  had  some  faint  hope  of  finding 
Sweden  a  more  propitious  place  for  the  further- 
ance of  his  plans  than  the  ungrateful  Eepublic  on 
the  Zuyder  Zee  and  King  Gustavus  Adolphus  a 
more  ardent  supporter  and  a  more  liberal  jyatron 
than  the  States  General  I 

Usselinx  reached  Gothenburg  in  the  autumn, 
and,  as  the  King  was  shortly  expected  in  the  city, 
he  determined  to  remain  until  His  Majesty  arrived 
with  the  view  of  obtaining  an  audience.  The  audi- 
ence, which  was  readily  granted,  took  place  some 
time  in  October,  1624.  It  was  a  remarkable  con- 
ference. For  six  hours  the  hero  of  the  Thirty 
Years'  War  listened  to  "the  commercial  rhapso- 
dies," diffusive  expositions  and  marvelous  plans 
of  the  great  dreamer  and  trust-maker  of  the  sev- 
enteenth century.  Memorials  and  amplifications 
were  later  sent  to  the  King,  presenting  in  more 


INDUSTRIES,  COMMERCE  AND  TRADING  COMPANIES   53 

definite  and  compact  form  tlie  ideas  and  plans, 
which  had  been  discussed  at  the  audience.  As  the 
ideas  of  trading  companies  were  not  new  to  the 
King,  he  welcomed  the  proposals,  and  made  the 
resolute  projector  proffers  of  service  and  prom- 
ises of  support.  Usselinx  readily  accepted  the  of- 
fers and  with  untiring  activity  set  about  to  launch 
his  schemes.  On  November  4  his  draft  of  the  char- 
ter was  ready;  a  few  days  later  the  prospectus  of 
the  company  was  issued,  and  on  December  21, 
1624,  the  King  gave  "commission  to  Willem 
Usselinx  to  establish  a  general  trading  company 
for  Asia,  Africa,  America  and  Magellanica." 
Usselinx,  says  the  commission,  had  presented  such 
good  reasons  for  the  probable  success  of  his  de- 
signs that  the  King  was  led  to  believe  the  company 
would  not  only  be  a  financial  triumph  for  the  stock- 
holders but  also  an  important  asset  to  his  kingdom. 
On  these  grounds  the  commission  was  issued,  and 
the  "governors,  stateholders,  captains,  mayors 
and  councils  in  the  cities"  as  well  as  other  public 
servants  were  commanded  to  aid  and  assist  the 
founder  in  raising  subscriptions  and  otherwise. 

A  little  later  Usselinx  printed  "the  contract  for 
the  general  trading  company  of  the  kingdom  of 
Sweden,  with  its  conditions  and  terms."  He  re- 
ferred to  the  wealth  of  Spain  and  the  Netherlands, 
which  had  been  acquired  by  the  commercial  activi- 
ties in  the  New  World,  and  he  insisted  that  Sweden 


54  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

had  as  great  possibilities  and  was  as  well  equipped 
for  such  a  trade  as  any  other  country  in  Europe. 
He  also  made  arrangements  to  have  his  arguments 
translated,  so  as  to  interest  foreigners  in  his  com- 
pany. 

The  charter  of  privileges  in  thirty-seven  ar- 
ticles,, which  were  to  be  in  force  for  twelve  years, 
''from  May  1, 1627,  until  May  1, 1639,"  was  signed 
by  the  King  on  June  6,  1626.  '-  We  have  maturely 
considered,"  says  the  charter  in  the  name  of  the 
King,  "and  as  far  as  it  is  in  our  power  we  have 
sought  to  bring  it  about  that  the  advantages, 
profits  and  welfare  of  our  kingdom  and  of  our 
faithful  subjects  as  well  as  the  propagation  of  the 
Holy  Gospel  might  be  in  the  highest  degree  im- 
proved and  increased  by  the  discovery  of  addi- 
tional commercial  relations  and  navigation."  The 
company  thus  chartered  was  to  make  settlements 
(although  a  secondary  object)  on  hitherto  unoc- 
cupied territoiy  and  was  given  sole  right  to  trade 
"in  Africa,  Asia,  America  and  Magellanica  or 
Terra  Australia,  beginning  on  the  coast  of  Amer- 
ica in  the  same  latitude  as . . .  the  Strait  of  Gib- 
raltar unto  the  36th  degree"  and  no  one  else  was 
permitted  to  sail  to  these  parts  "nor  to  any 
country  or  island  lying  between  Africa  and  Amer- 
ica," on  pain  of  confiscation  of  ships  and  cargoes. 

The  management  of  the  company  was  minutely 
provided  for.       One  director,  with  a  salary  of 


INDUSTRIES,  COMMERCE  AND  TRADING  COMPANIES    55 

1,000  D.,  holding  office  for  a  term  of  six  years,  was 
to  he  elected  hy  a  majority  of  the  shareholders 
qualified  to  vote,  or  appointed  from  the  eligihle 
members,  for  every  100,000  D.  subscribed.  The 
head  department  or  office  of  the  company  was  to  be 
located  in  Gothenburg,  and  sub-officers  were  to 
be  established  at  various  other  places. 

A  duty  of  4  per  cent,  was  to  be  paid  by  the 
company  on  all  exports  and  imports  (except  coin- 
ed or  uncoined  silver  and  gold,  received  in  pay- 
ment for  merchandise) ;  and  one-fifth  of  all  min- 
erals discovered  in  the  occupied  territories  and 
one-tenth  of  the  produce  of  the  cultivated  lands  in 
the  established  colonies  were  to  be  given  to  the 
government.  All  booty  seized  from  pirates  and 
other  enemies  was  to  revert  to  the  company  for 
the  defense  of  the  trade,  unless  a  Swedish  man  o' 
war  was  present  at  the  capture.  The  company 
was  to  be  under  the  special  protection  of  the 
government,  and  the  King  was  to  appoint  a  coun- 
cil from  amongst  the  most  prominent  share- 
holders, which  at  the  expense  of  the  government 
was  to  provide  for  the  building  and  garrisoning  of 
all  fortifications  necessary  in  the  colonies,  estab- 
lish courts  of  justice,  make  good  laws,  appoint 
governors,  commanders  and  other  officers,  as  well 
as  to  settle  all  difficulties  between  the  colonists 
and  the  natives  in  the  occupied  districts.  The 
company  also  had  a  right  to  build  its  own  fortifi- 


56  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

cations  and  to  found  cities  and  towns.  It  could 
make  treaties  with  the  republics  and  with  the  kings 
and  princes  of  all  countries  lying  within  the  limits 
of  the  charter;  it  had  a  right  to  defend  itself 
against  enemies,  but  was  not  to  begin  hostilities. 
Finally  it  was  to  pay  Usselinx  for  "his  services, 
trouble  and  great  expense"  one  per  mill,  as  long 
as  the  charter  was  in  force.  The  conditions  of 
membership  were  liberal  and  special  inducements 
were  offered  to  foreign  investors. 

The  charter  was  soon  printed  in  Swedish  and 
German  and  freely  distributed,  being  sent  even  to 
Venice.  Usselinx  had  high  hopes  of  success.  He 
urged  the  reprinting  of  the  charter  in  Germany 
and  Holland,  and  planned  to  issue  a  French  ver- 
sion. He  obtained  promises  of  subscription  from 
members  of  the  supreme  court,  and  brought  the 
business  of  the  company  before  the  diet  in  the  be- 
ginning of  1627.  The  King  subscribed  450,000  D., 
while  Axel  Oxenstierna,  Von  Falkenburg  and 
other  noblemen  took  a  keen  interest  in  the  matter, 
and  used  theii-  influence  to  favor  the  same.  The 
King  also  appointed  two  of  his  directors  to  facili- 
tate the  work  and  to  fully  establish  the  company, 
and  advised  every  citizen  in  the  kingdom  to  in- 
vest capital  in  it  according  to  his  means. 

In  spite  of  it  all,  however,  progress  was  slow. 
After  months  of  labor  Usselinx  had  raised  sub- 
scriptions amounting  to  only  about  160,000  D., 


INDUSTRIES,  COMMERCE  AND  TRADING  COMPANIES   57 

wliicli  could  not  even  be  collected;  but  neither  he 
nor  the  directors  were  daunted.  It  was  planned  to 
prepare  a  trading  expedition  in  the  near  future. 
For  this  purpose  Usselinx  was  sent  to  Prussia  to 
consult  with  the  King.  He  was  also  to  collect  His 
Majesty's  first  instalments  and  to  solicit  new  sub- 
scriptions. In  November  he  was  sent  to  raise  ad- 
ditional funds  in  the  Baltic  provinces  and  in  Fin- 
land. Armed  with  letters  of  introduction  to  the 
royal  and  municipal  authorities  along  his  route,  he 
made  a  tour  from  Dirschau  around  the  Baltic  and 
the  Gulf  of  Bothnia,  visiting  the  principal  cities 
in  these  provinces,  and  everywhere  presenting  me- 
morials and  arguments  about  his  beloved  South 
Company. 

Arriving  in  Stockholm  in  i^pril,  1628,  he  ex- 
pected to  find  that  ships  had  been  sent  to  Africa, 
and  that  other  beginnings  had  been  made;  but  in 
these  things  he  was  disappointed.  The  directors, 
who  were  to  collect  funds  in  Sweden,  had  tired  of 
their  labors.  A  losing  trade  had  been  conducted  in 
Russia,  and  a  glass  factory,  which  Bonnell  endeav- 
ored to  establish  for  the  company  at  Gothenburg, 
proved  a  failure.  Rope-walks  were  built  at 
Norrkoping  and  Linkoping,  and,  although  ropes 
were  made  at  the  former  place  until  August,  1637, 
the  experiments  seem  to  have  been  financial  fail- 
ures. An  expedition  to  the  West  Indies  had  in- 
deed been  planned.    A  skipper  had  been  engaged, 


58  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

and  two  vessels  had  been  equipped ;  but  the  expedi- 
tion never  left  port,  and  the  company  was  minus 
a  few  thousand  D. 

Under  such  conditions  Usselinx  was  justly  dis- 
satisfied with  the  management  of  the  company  he 
had  founded.  He  complained  bitterly  that  the  di- 
rectors paid  more  attention  to  insignificant  details 
than  to  great  principals,  that  they  seldom  met  for 
consultation,  that  one  director  collected  money, 
disposed  of  it  and  made  contracts  without  the 
knowledge  of  the  others  and  finally  that  Chris- 
tian Welshuisen  was  the  only  officer  who 
understood  his  business.  He  therefore  wished 
to  be  relieved  of  his  services,  unless  radical 
changes  were  made.  He  still  entertained 
some  hope,  however,  that  the  company  would 
develop  into  great  significance  if  managed  on  a 
sound  basis  and  in  a  business  like  manner.  Con- 
sequently he  made  new  suggestions.  He  thought 
that  additional  letters  should  be  sent  to  the  gov- 
ernors in  Finland,  that  experienced  agents  and 
commissioners  should  be  despatched  to  Norrland 
and  other  provinces  of  the  kingdom  and  to  Ger- 
many, France  and  Venice  to  solicit  subscriptions ; 
that  the  directors  should  be  compelled  to  follow  the 
charter  and  that  the  company  should  be  granted 
lil)erty  to  buy  and  export  grain.  But  affairs  went 
from  bad  to  worse.  Usselinx  feared  that  the  com- 
pany would  dwindle  down  to  a  rope-walk  and  a 


INDUSTRIES,  COMMERCE  AND  TRADING  COMPANIES   59 

ship  yard.  As  lie  knew  little  about  the  building  of 
ships  and  the  making  of  ropes  (\Yhicli  could  better 
be  superintended  by  others),  he  decided  to  leave 
the  country.  He  obtained  his  release  in  Decem- 
ber, and  in  the  beginning  of  1629  he  left  Stock- 
holm with  letters  to  the  states  general  and  to 
Prince  Henry.  His  connections  with  the  South 
Company  in  Sweden  now  practically  came  to  an 
end,  but  he  did  not  abandon  his  plans,  and  we  shall 
find  him  in  many  countries  trying  to  interest  the 
governments  and  the  people  at  large  in  commerce 
and  colonization. 

About  the  time  Usselinx  left  Sweden  Gustavus 
Adolphus  was  formulating  plans  for  the  establish- 
ment of  an  organization  with  purposes  somewhat 
different  from  the  South  Company.  The  King 
needed  ships  for  his  wars  and  his  commerce.  Cap- 
ital was  difficult  to  raise,  and  the  state  treasury 
was  drawn  upon  to  the  utmost  for  other  purposes. 
The  founding  of  a  ship  company  appeared  to  be 
one  way  out  of  the  embarrassment  and  at  a  meet- 
ing of  the  representatives  from  various  Swedish 
towns  in  the  beginning  of  1629  the  King  proposed 
a  plan  with  this  end  in  view.  The  suggestions 
were  favorably  received,  and  a  company  was  or- 
ganized, which  was  to  equip  sixteen  ships.  In 
time  of  peace  these  vessels  were  to  be  employed  by 
the  company  on  commercial  voyages,  but  in  cases 
of  war  they  were  to  be  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the 


6o  THE  SWEDES  ON  THE  DELAWARE 

government  for  free  use  against,  the  enemy.  Tliey 
were  to  be  ready  in  tlie  spring  of  1629,  and  should 
be  built  in  Sweden  as  far  as  possible  to  increase 
and  encourage  Swedish  shipping. 

The  various  cities  made  strong  efforts  to  build, 
buy  or  hire  ships,  but  money  was  slow  in  coming 
in,  due  to  the  scarcity  of  money  and  disagreements 
between  the  subscribers.  Consequently  the  ves- 
vels  were  not  on  hand  at  the  appointed  time.  It 
was  then  decided  to  unite  the  South  and  the  Ship 
companies,  so  as  "to  create  in  this  manner  a  com- 
plete society  and  trading  comi3any,  until  oppor- 
tunity and  capital  should  allow  the  South  Com- 
pany to  be  continued  and  re-established."  The 
nobility  also  promised  to  contribute  50  D.  for  each 
trooper.  The  union  of  the  two  companies  was  au- 
thorized and  legalized  by  the  King  in  May,  1630. 
The  cities  of  Finland  gradually  joined  the  cor- 
poration, and  the  capital  was  soon  considerable. 
In  the  autumn  of  the  above  mentioned  year  the 
sixteen  ships  were  ready,  although  all  shares  had 
not  been  paid  in  full.  Expeditions  were  sent  to 
Stralsund,  Archangel,  and  to  cities  in  Holland  and 
France.  In  the  autumn  of  1631  four  vessels  were 
prepared  for  a  trading  journey  to  Spain  (the 
largest  expedition  sent  out  by  the  company),  but 
the  ships  and  cargoes  were  seized  by  order  of  the 
Spanish  government.  The  following  year  the 
K alma  I-    Nyckel    was    purchased,    and    two    new 


INDUSTRIES,  COMMERCE  AND  TRADING  COMPANIES   6t 

ships  were  built  to  replace  tliose  which  had 
been  lost.  New  expeditions  were  also  pre- 
pared, but  in  1635  the  affairs  of  the  company 
were  at  a  low  ebb.  Efforts  were  made  by  the  gov- 
ernment to  raise  more  money,  and  to  put  new  life 
into  the  organization ;  but  the  old  contributors  had 
lost  their  interest  and  new  ones  could  not  be  found. 
Some  of  the  remaining  capital  was  used  for  the 
benefit  of  the  New  Sweden  company,  but  individ- 
ual ships  continued  to  be  employed  for  carrying 
freight  and  the  Old  King  David  made  numerous 
voyages  to  foreign  ports  until  it  was  sold  in  1G41. 

Meanwhile  Usselinx  had  been  busy  stirring  up 
half  Europe  with  his  schemes  and  proposals.  Ob- 
taining new  commissions  he  visited  Stralsund, 
Stettin  and  other  cities  of  Germany  and  Holland 
in  the  interest  of  his  one  grand  idea.  Finally  see- 
ing the  futility  of  founding  a  Swedish  company  as 
extensive  and  important  as  he  desired,  he  proposed 
a  new  plan  or  rather  emphasized  an  old  one  (far  in 
advance  of  his  age)  of  forming  an  international 
mercantile  company.  The  territorial  restrictions 
of  the  old  charter  were  to  be  removed,  and  the  en- 
tire world  was  to  be  the  field  of  activity. 

An  amplification  or  extension  of  the  charter 
drawn  up  in  1632  was  sanctioned  and  approved  by 
Gustavus  Adolphus  shortly  before  the  disaster  at 
Liitzen.  Axel  Oxenstierna,  who  endeavored  to 
carry  out  the  wishes  of  his  ruler,  signed  a  commis- 


62         THE  SWEDES  ON  THE  DELAWARE 

sion  for  Willem  Usselinx  on  May  1,  1632,  'as  gen- 
eral director  of  the  New  South  Compan}^'  Me- 
morials and  relations  now  followed  each  other  in 
rapid  succession,  and  soon  an  exceptional  oppor- 
tunity presented  itself  for  advancing  the  interest 
of  the  new  company.  The  convention  at  Heilbronn 
(1633)  was  induced  to  give  Usselinx  a.  hearing,  who 
was  not  slow  to  unfold  the  objects  and  possibilities 
of  his  ' '  trading  combine ' '  to  the  attending  nobles. 
In  June  the  famous  Argonautica  Gustaviana  and 
Mercurius  Gennanica  were  published  at  Frank- 
furt-on-Main,  in  which  were  embodied  the  argu- 
ments presented  by  Usselinx  in  former  memorials. 
The  company  was  again  discussed  at  the  conven- 
tion of  Frankfurt  in  the  autumn  as  well  as  at  the 
second  convention  of  Frankfurt  in  1634.  The  great 
idea  finally  promised  to  assume  more  definite  form, 
as  the  diet  actually  took  an  interest  in  it.  Some 
changes  were  suggested  in  the  charter,  and  prom- 
ises of  aid  were  made.  It  seemed  that  the  plan 
would  finally  be  embraced  in  earnest  by  forces 
capable  of  carrying  it  to  a  success.  The  undaunted 
organizer  saw  the  prize  within  reach  for  which  he 
had  labored  during  a  large  part  of  his  long  and 
active  life.  This  was  on  September  17,  1634.  But 
he  was  again  to  be  disappointed.  The  next  day 
news  arrived  of  the  defeat  of  the  armies  of  Field- 
marshal  Horn  and  Duke  Bernhard,  and  thus  came 
to  an  end  the  hopes  and  labors  for  the  second  or 


ARGONAVTICA     GVSTAVIANA, 

ion  t>cc  ^mm  ^tf^u  »n^ 

@o  tJon  t>m  ^ciiant>t  2r(idr&urc^(cu(l^ftgf(m/©n>f?mad&» 

ti^fim  pnC  0kgtrt(Wlfli  Siirfifti  tmttt)  joam  /  .^)mn  G  V  s  T  A  v  6 

ADOLPHO  MAGNO.o<r6t^iPrt>ffl/@ot^pn6=lBatl>fflS(Jtii9/@refr 

Sdrfloiin  SinnfatiM/  .^Xrfo^iu  <£^|int  onD  Canlca  /  ^mn  )u3i^(r« 

nmiamitt.  ^nttitem&rm^flm  (25«(i3(J<n  3nem(fcn»/ 

^ettera(gant)e^c  OMP  AG  NiE, 

iMfbff«n4tij<f(jn3<n: 

2(rt(c?o  aOrr  t)ct  X(Utf(:^<EiMn§(it(<^mnationitnfonb(u 

fyit  tm  itniitn  irdd&c  fid[>ra  ©.  Jt »?.  Srnin»f(^fft  /  devotion,  ctn  Vtt* 

oMflm/  |ii»ii<rm<g(id)<m  OTm  »n>gteiiwicii/aij#  JUl^^il4Kr«Wl(WJfn(/Jlmt(glm3^ln^0^^t){/ 

uiiij(i()<i«(niorBen:»nbirtf6cnif<rNdUKfm/Mrm((«l<iniDlg«»<rl«j)iin3Dcg 

30at<4|T(n/ fonjcfdtt  in»  eM  j  t<i  25acf  3(n(t)«t 

iKttinfolI. 

53at«u§  ^nn  on  ^tbfwbrr  rlrtroi/gtiJnMidvit/  pnDju  fciium  ^^uff  faf  fnmrr* 
<»tn(^cpnb'IBifrrtifr^afftNtr(t9J5<>chti'icbfi3cn'iOfrrfefmnc^mm/»nBmi<&flfl"d6(nichtaU 

(dB«nfi(tf(lt(ifonNrn.)ii*bi(ft«(>rf^«/*dtinf»l((fi/^(tniJm(i4/iX«t(«ii(fijrii6hcc()ni;Bli<i/ 

J^a^fp  auc^  juglcicf?  ecrniinfftwrraditoi  mmbamtffm  mag :  ^6  fhmc  vnbbmhmtatnlnti 

ei«uw  •  »e<r  c  on  J  K .  u  u  «  pwMt  ftB«  ■*!»«  /  »k1<»  M«u  j»««  aiine^iKB  iwrtaSca.  /  urif^oi  itriaB  ir.5  ►«  /  J, 


^Bo^obcr  fJir  aUfftwnlK  wifrrf(*(fJ«K  @(f>r<(fifni/Wtfr  0a(^6rtrrffaiDr/ 

«I(i(rk7f4m(n  v«r^n»mifo((^(iMr»  tit  iii^flfs^cnN  (5<iKK'3cn. 

I.  ^/p*  J. 

CDn»  eafenw  m«<f)K  3(udi  e*iff{  in  <Ji<on©<t<r  /  M<  ^  (Jtotjhjf am  <3!fcr  »<f  fc54Sff. 

e4(ff  /  eicsiiic  ©*ifi«Kiciiti«iiff>tmSW«r<rfj!)rmtMrtn/iWf  Nn  Sm*««6(»J»m<>/ 
in»f«mcn4(n^l^r/  vn>{ior(t(n»af(IE>f?  <>Di(r!Hin»(rivn»ii*imi|«)S«naNr0*(»((/vn) 


3m3a(»r^rtfH  1 6  h-  Mcnfejuni©, 

97n<  »n  Crm  e4m»M  5nv^: 

Title-page  of  the  Argoiumtica  (TU.^tavi(ma. 


INDUSTRIES,  COMMERCE  AND  TRADING  COMPANIES   63 

New-South  Company,  which  might  have  l^ecome  of 
great  importance  and  produced  far  rcncliing  re- 
sults in  the  colonizing  of  North  America. 

But  Usselinx  labored  on.  He  made  new  pro- 
posals and  wrote  new  accounts  and  relations.  He 
was  engaged  in  a  futile  cause,  however,  and  his 
many  projects  mainly  tended  to  fill  the  city  and 
state  archives  of  Europe  with  ''short  memorials." 
In  the  meantime  other  suggestions  were  presented 
to  Oxenstierna,  which  led  to  more  definite  results, 
and  we  are  now  ready  to  trace  the  development  of 
the  activities,  that  led  to  the  founding  of  New 
Siveden  on  the  Delmvare. 


PART  II. 

Jfountiins  of  tfje  iSetn  ^toetrcn  Company 

antr  Colonp,  1635=1643. 


CHAPTER  III. 

The  Founding  of  the  New  Sweden  Company  and 
THE  Early  Expeditions  to  the  Delaware. 

I. 

The  South  Company,  as  can  be  seen  from  the 
foregoing,  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  Swedish  ex- 
peditions to  the  Delaware;  it  was  the  commercial 
ambition  of  Swedish  statesmen  and  their  endeav- 
ors to  interest  Dutch  merchants  in  the  copper 
trade  that  led  to  the  founding  of  New  Sweden. 
Copper  mining  was  one  of  the  most  important  in- 
dustries in  Sweden  during  the  first  half  of  the  sev- 
enteenth century,  and  the  copper  trade  was  of 
great  significance  and  a  source  of  large  income  to 
tlie  Swedish  governmeiat.  The  crown  borrowed 
millions  with  copper  as  security  and  many  of  its 
debts  to  Dutch  merchants  were  paid  with  this 
metal.  But  the  price  fell  occasionally,  leaving  the 
crown  a  heavy  loser.  The  Copper  Company  was 
not  a  success,  and  the  trade  was  often  dull,  due  to 
overstocked  markets  and  the  manipulation  of  spec- 
ulators. Considering  the  importance  of  the  ar- 
ticle and  the  condition  of  the  Swedish  treasury  at 

67 


68  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE   DELAWARE 

a  time,  when  the  little  kingdom  was  taking  a  lead- 
ing part  in  one  of  the  greatest  wars  of  history,  we 
are  not  surprised  to  find  that  Swedish  statesmen 
paid  particular  attention  to  this  trade.  They  were 
always  seeking  new  markets  for  the  red  metal. 
Their  plans  were  not  limited  to  Europe;  they 
looked  even  to  America  and  Africa  for  customers. 
Conrad  von  Falkenburg,  Swedish  commissioner  in 
Holland,  had  interviews  with  Dutch  merchants 
about  copper  exportation  to  the  West  Indies,  and 
made  reports  about  it  to  Chancellor  Oxenstierna. 
One  of  these  merchants  was  Samuel  Blommaert,  a 
prominent  businessman  of  Amsterdam.  He  had 
been  interested  in  the  Swedish  copper  trade  for 
years,  and  had  other  dealings  with  the  Swedish 
crown.  He  had  also,  together  with  several  others, 
erected  a  brass  factory  at  Nacka,  near  Stockholm. 
In  1635  his  connections  with  Swedish  affairs  be- 
came closer.  Oxenstierna,  finding  after  the  mis- 
fortunes of  1634-1635  and  the  miscarriage  of  his 
son's  mission  in  England  that  there  was  no 
''choice  but  to  accept  Richelieu's  predominance," 
set  out  for  Paris  to  effect  an  agreement  with 
France.  On  his  return  in  April  he  visited  The 
Hague  and  spent  some  time  at  Amsterdam  in  May, 
where  he  had  interviews  with  some  of  the  princi- 
pal merchants  and  exporters  of  Holland.  Being 
especially  desirous  of  improving  the  copper  and 
iron  trades,  as  business  was  poor,  he  naturally 


Axel  Oxenstierna.     (H.) 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  THE   NEW  SWEDEN  COMPANY      69 

called  on  Samuel  Blommaert,  wlio  was  apparently 
well  acquainted  with  the  subject. 

Oxenstierna 's  interview  with  Blommaert  had 
large  results :  it  became  the  starting  point  for  the 
founding  of  a  colony.  Markets  for  the  principal 
metals  of  Sweden  were  the  main  subjects  of  dis- 
cussion. The  thoughts  of  Oxenstierna  were  again 
directed  westward  by  Blommaert,  and  here  we 
have  the  germ  of  the  New  Sweden  Company.  Pre- 
senting ''three  points"  for  the  extension  and  in- 
crease of  the  Swedish  copper  and  iron  business, 
Blommaert  particularly  emphasized  the  desira- 
bility of  establishing  commercial  relations  with 
Guinea,  where,  in  his  opinion,  profitable  markets 
could  be  found  for  copper  and  iron  wares.  He 
proposed  that  the  crown  of  Sweden  should  give 
Octroy  to  a  company  with  special  and  exclusive 
trading  privileges  in  Guinea  and  on  the  coast  of 
Africa. 

Being  assured  of  reward  and  permanent  employ- 
ment in  Swedish  service  Blommaert  undertook  to 
send  regular  reports  to  the  Chancellor.  On  June 
3  (n.  s.),  1635,  shortly  after  Oxenstierna 's  depart- 
ure, he  sent  his  first  letter,  which  summarized  the 
various  opinions  and  observations  already  set 
forth  at  the  interview,  and  he  continued  to  report 
at  brief  intervals  throughout  the  summer  and  au- 
tumn, referring  in  almost  every  letter  "to  the 
Guinean  navigation. ' ' 


70  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

II. 

In  tlie  autumn  a  new  element  was  introduced, 
giving  fresh  vigor  to  the  plans  of  Swedish  trans- 
atlantic trade :  Peter  Minuit  had  an  interview  with 
Blommaert.  Minuit,  born  at  Wesel  on  the  Rhine 
about  1580-5,  was  of  Wallon  or  French  descent. 
His  education,  probably  received  at  the  Gymna- 
sium of  Wesel,  seems  to  have  been  Dutch  and 
French.  He  appears  to  have  had  little  knowledge 
of  German,  for  he  writes  Dutch  and  in  Dutch  char- 
acters even  to  Oxeustierna  (although  his  spelling 
is  sometimes  German),  and  it  is  extremely  improb- 
able that  he  would  have  used  that  language  in  writ- 
ing to  the  Swedish  cliancellor,  had  he  known  Ger- 
man. He  married  the  sister  of  Henrick  Huygen 
and  knew  and  associated  with  many  of  the  wealth- 
iest and  most  influential  Hollanders  of  his  time. 
It  seems  that  he  removed  to  Amsterdam  about 
1624  (or  earlier)  on  account  of  the  Spanish  op- 
pression. The  following  year  he  was  appointed 
General  Director  of  New  Netherland,  but  he  was 
recalled  after  a  period  of  seven  years,  due  to  a 
change  of  policy  in  the  management  of  the  Dutch 
West  India  Company.  Returning  to  his  native 
land  in  the  summer  of  1632,  he  found  it  was  har- 
assed with  war,  making  it  impossible  for  him  to 
obtain  suitable  employment  there.  As  he  was  a 
man  of  great  energy  he  could  not  be  idle.    Having 


THE  FOUNDING   OF   THE   NEW   SWEDEN   COMPANY    7 1 

a  minute  knowledge  of  the  west  coast  of  North 
America  and  particularly  of  the  Delaware  terri- 
tory, he  realized  the  opportunities  for  beginning 
a  profitable  trade  there.  The  Delaware  formed  an 
outlet  for  the  beaver  trade  of  an  extensive  area. 
He  had  registered  a  colony  at  the  mouth  of  the 
river  in  which  Blommaert  was  a  large  shareholder, 
and  he  had  purchased  land  on  Blommaert 's  behalf 
along  the  sea  on  the  east  side  of  the  river.  The 
Dutch  West  India  Company  acquired  a  right  to 
these  tracts  from  the  owners  about  the  time  Minuit 
returned  to  Europe,  but  it  was  not  powerful 
enough  to  properly  guard  the  river  against  in- 
truders and  its  trading  expeditions  thither  were 
small  and  far  between.  It  seems  probable,  there- 
fore, that  Minuit  offered  his  services  to  Blom- 
maert in  founding  a  new  colony  farther  from  the 
sea,  which  by  its  more  favorable  location  would 
monopolize  the  beaver  trade  with  the  Indians.  Be 
this  as  it  may,  Minuit 's  plans  found  in  Blommaert 
a  ready  supporter.  The  latter  realized  the  possi- 
bilities. He  had  hopes  of  obtaining  permanent 
employment  from  the  Swedish  government.  He 
was  dissatisfied  with  the  management  of  the  Dutch 
West  India  Company,  and  Minuit  had  just  cause 
for  complaint  against  the  same  body.  Why  not, 
therefore,  found  a  Dutch-Swedish  opposition  com- 
pany, which,  under  Swedish  protection,  could  send 
trading  expeditions  to  the  Delaware  ?    This  should 


72  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

be  easy,  as  Swedish  statesmen  were  interested  in 
the  West  Indian  trade  and  anxious  to  extend 
Swedish  commerce;  and  Dutch  capitalists  could 
be  readily  found  to  finance  such  a  venture. 

Almost  immediately  Blommaert  transmitted  the 
project  to  the  Chancellor,  before  whom  Minuit  was 
willing  and  anxious  to  explain  his  proposals  in  per- 
son. Reports  were  also  sent  to  Peter  Spiring,  the 
Swedish  agent  in  Holland,  who  conferred  (May, 
1636)  with  Blommaert  and  Minuit  about  "the  new 
navigation"  and  the  copper  trade  to  Africa  and 
Guinea.  They  expressed  the  belief  that  a  success- 
ful company  could  be  formed,  if  special  privileges 
were  guaranteed,  and  Spiring  "gave  them  good 
promises." 

Minuit,  who  had  been  requested  to  visit  Oxen- 
stierna  at  Stralsund  before  the  latter 's  return  to 
Sweden,  was  detained,  forwarding  a  memorial  as  a 
substitute,  in  which  we  have  the  first  written  "pro- 
ject of  New  Sweden"  and  the  name  used  for  the 
first  time.  "The  English,  French  and  Dutch", 
he  says,  "have  occupied  large  tracts  of  land  in  the 
New  World.  Sweden  should  no  longer  abstain 
from  making  her  name  known  in  foreign  coun- 
tries." The  opportune  moment  had  come  for  the 
nation  to  begin  a  small  enterprise,  which  would 
grow  into  great  magnitude.  A  voyage  should  be 
made  to  certain  places  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Virginia,  New  Netherland  and  other  districts  ad- 


j-^r- 


/i. 


rj"^ 


^^"^L^ ^^^^^  ^uy  ^u/q:^  jyf^^  ^/(^^ 


Spiring's  letter  (April  1  (11),  1642)  to  /.  cmiral  Fleming,  si^ncd_by 
"Petter  Spiering  van  NoshoUem." 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  THE   NEW  SWEDEN  COMPANY      73 

jacent,  which  were  to  be  occupied  and  called  New 
Sweden.  A  ship  of  120  to  200  tons  burden,  carry- 
ing twelve  cannon  and  a  crew  of  from  20  to  25  men, 
was  necessaiy.  The  cargo  for  trade  with  the 
Indians  would  cost  between  ten  and  twelve  thou- 
sand florins  and  should  consist  of  ' '  adzes,  hatches, 
kettles,  duffels  and  other  merchandise."  Supplies 
and  provisions  for  twelve  months  should  be  fur- 
nished. The  Swedish  government  should  send 
twelve  soldiers  to  garrison  and  guard  the  places  to 
be  occupied,  and  it  should  provide  ammunition 
and  a  bark  or  yacht;  which  could  be  used  in  the 
colony  for  the  purpose  of  trade.  The  entire  ex- 
pense of  the  expedition  would  be  about  16,000 
florins,  half  of  which  would  be  contributed  by 
Minuit,  who  also  offered  to  become  leader  and 
director  of  the  enterprise.  A  charter  should  be 
given  by  the  crown  of  Sweden  to  the  participants, 
prohibiting  all  others  from  sailing  to  these  parts 
for  twenty  years  on  pain  of  confiscation  of  cargo 
and  ship,  also  granting  the  new  company  exemp- 
tion from  duty  in  Sweden  on  incoming  and  out- 
going goods  for  a  period  of  ten  years.  The  me- 
morial was  dated  at  Amsterdam  on  June  15,  1636, 
and  probably  reached  Oxenstierna  a  week  or  so 
later. 

Shortly  after  its  arrival  the  chancellor  pre- 
pared to  leave  for  Sweden.  Peace  negotiations 
were  closed  for  the  moment,  and  his  presence  in 


74  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

►Stockholm  was  of  the  utmost  nnportance.  The 
government  there  wavered.  The  war  was  becom- 
ing more  and  more  unjDopular,  and  the  people  were 
wearied  of  the  many  extra  taxes  and  ever  recur- 
ring conscriptions,  Oxenstierna's  enthusiasm 
was  needed  to  encourage  the  drooping  spirits,  his 
influence  and  unquestioned  authority  were  wanted 
to  give  force  and  emphasis  to  the  orders  and  acts 
of  the  government.  About  July  4,  he  embarked 
at  Stralsund,  and  on  the  thirteenth  he  was  in  the 
Swedish  capital.  With  his  arrival  new  life  was 
instilled  into  the  machinery  of  state.  Almost  im- 
mediately changes  were  noticed  in  every  depart- 
ment. The  conflicting  interests  of  the  different 
estates  were  to  some  extent  united ;  many  branches 
of  the  government  were  re-organized  and  new  de- 
partments were  added ;  the  finances  were  placed  on 
a  firmer  basis ;  steps  were  taken  to  improve  and  aid 
the  industries,  and  commerce  and  trade  were  en- 
couraged. 

When  Oxenstierna  had  attended  to  the  most 
urgent  matters  of  state  he  returned  to  the  com- 
mercial plans  of  Blommaert  and  Minuit,  and  ''pre- 
sented some  propositions  drawn  up  by  Spiring. .  . 
concerning  another  Guinean  company"  at  a  meet- 
ing of  the  council  of  state  on  September  27,  1636. 
It  seems  that  the  council  ventilated  the  matter  at 
further  sessions,  for  when  Spiring  departed  from 
Sweden  in  October,  he  was  instructed  to  confer 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  THE  NEW  SWEDEN  COMPANY     75 

with  Blommaert  and  other  Dutchmen  about  the 
organizing  of  a  trading  company.  He  was  also 
authorized  to  engage  Blommaert  as  a  commercial 
agent  for  the  Swedish  crown.  In  the  autumn  of 
1636  and  in  the  early  part  of  the  following  year 
Spiring  arranged  new  conferences  with  Minuit 
and  Blommaert  about  the  proposed  voyages  to 
America  as  well  as  the  expedition  to  the  coast  of 
Guinea  and  other  pla.ces.  Spiring  held  that  the 
activities  of  the  new  company  should  be  directed 
towards  the  Gold  Coast,  where  copper  would  find 
ready  purchasers  and  where  big  profits  could  be 
expected.  He  called  the  New  Sweden  project,  as 
outlined  by  Minuit,  a  small  undertaking,  and  inti- 
mated that  the  profits  would  accordingly  not  be 
large.  But  neither  Blommaert  nor  Minuit  were 
in  sympathy  with  Spiring 's  ideas;  their  desire 
was  now  to  found  a  colony  on  the  Delaware.  It 
was  accordingly  decided  to  form  a  company  for 
trade  and  colonization  on  the  coast  of  North 
America  ''from  Florida  to  Terra  Nova"  (New- 
foundland). Spiring  wished  to  ascertain  the 
opinions  of  other  merchants  and  experts  on  the 
subject;  but  Blommaert  and  Minuit  objected  to 
this  and  advised  complete  secrecy,  until  the  locali- 
ties selected  for  colonization  were  occupied,  fear- 
ing that  their  intentions  would  become  known  to 
the  Dutch  West  India  Company  and  their  plans 
killed  in  the  hatching.    Minuit  as  it  seems  pre- 


76  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

sented  charts  and  maps  of  the  Delaware  region, 
which  in  his  opinion  offered  singular  advantages, 
and  thither  the  first  expedition  was  to  be  sent. 
Half  of  the  capital  required  was  to  be  raised  in 
Holland,  the  other  half  in  Sweden.  Minuit  was  to 
lead  the  expedition  and  manage  the  colonial  af- 
fairs. Blommaert  was  to  direct  the  business  of 
the  company  in  Holland ;  he  was  to  buy  goods  for 
the  expeditions  and  make  other  necessary  prepa- 
rations, and  he  was  to  outline  the  programme  of 
the  company,  and  draft  the  papers  and  proposals 
for  privileges  to  be  laid  before  the  Swedish  govern- 
ment. Finally  he  was  to  correspond  with  Flem- 
ing in  Sweden,  and  make  frequent  reports  to  him. 

Meanwhile  reports  had  been  sent  to  the  govern- 
ment by  Spiring  about  his  activities  on  behalf  of 
''the  new  navigations."  These  reports  imparted 
new  interest  to  the  subject  in  Sweden,  and  Klas 
Fleming  was  aj^pointed  to  take  charge  of  the  work 
at  the  capital. 

III. 

In  the  early  part  of  1637,  when  definite  conclu- 
sions had  been  reached  by  the  Dutch  participants, 
Minuit  was  sent  to  Sweden  to  superintend  the 
preparations  of  the  expedition  as  well  as  to  give  all 
necessary  information  to  Fleming  and  other  mem- 
bers of  the  government  interested  in  the  new  com- 
pany.      Shortly  after  his  arrival  in  Stockholm, 


Klas  Fleming. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  THE  NEW  SWEDEN  COMPANY     77 

however,  lie  bofauio  ill,  somevvliat  delaying  the 
work. 

About  the  begiiming  of  May  Miniiit  was  able  to 
resume  his  duties.  The  original  plans  having  been 
altered,  the  council  of  state  decided  to  furnish  two 
vessels  and  a  sloop  and  to  fit  out  a  larger  expe- 
dition than  the  memorials  called  for.  Conse- 
quently the  preliminary  preparations  in  Sweden 
consumed  more  time  than  the  Dutch  organizers 
expected.  Other  circumstances  also  caused  de- 
lays. Finally  the  government  granted  a  charter, 
which  (together  with  other  papers)  Minuit  carried 
to  Amsterdam  in  August,  when  he  returned  there 
to  complete  the  preparations. 

Blommaert  had  been  busy  during  the  summer 
buying  cloth  and  other  merchandise  for  the  Indian 
trade.  He  had  also  engaged  a  number  of  experi- 
enced sailors,  as  these  were  difficult  to  hire  in 
Sweden.  The  sailors  and  officers  together  with  a 
large  part  of  the  cargo  were  sent  to  Sweden  in  the 
summer;  and  on  August  22,  Blommaert  wrote  that 
''the  rest  of  all  necessary  supplies  was  being  ship- 
ped to  Gothenburg  and  Minuit  with  two  barbers 
and  other  officers  was  going  on  the  same  vessel. ' ' 

The  preparations  in  Sweden  advanced  slowly, 
although  Fleming  did  his  utmost  to  get  the  expe- 
dition under  way.  Ammunition  and  considerable 
cash  was  supplied  by  the  government.  Two  ships 
(also  furnished  by  the  crown),  the  Kalmar  Nyckel, 


78  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

coinnianded  by  Captain  Anders  Nilsson  Krober, 
and  the  Fogel  Grip,  commanded  by  Lieutenant 
Jacob  Barben,  were  at  last  ready  and  set  sail  from 
Stockholm  abont  the  middle  of  August.  They  ar- 
rived at  Gothenburg  about  three  weeks  later,  for 
in  the  beginning  of  September,  Minuit  was  busy 
loading  the  boats.  The  cargoes  consisted  of  sev- 
eral thousand  yards  of  duffels  and  other  cloth,  sev- 
eral hundred  axes,  hatchets  and  adzes,  several 
hundred  knives,  dozens  of  tobacco  pipes,  mirrors 
and  looking  glasses,  gilded  chains  and  finger  rings, 
combs,  ear-rings  and  other  ornaments, — all  for  the 
Indian  trade.  Spades,  hoes  and  other  implements 
of  agriculture  were  also  included  for  the  use  of 
the  colony. 

Probably  half  of  the  sailors  were  Hollanders, 
the  other  half,  Swedes,  The  majority  of  the  sol- 
diers sent  to  garrison  the  forts  were  Swedes,  com- 
manded by  Mans  Nelsson  Kling.  Ilenrick  Huygen, 
a  relative  of  Minuit,  was  appointed  commissioner 
of  the  colony.  Jan  Ilindricksen  van  der  Water 
was  skip|)er  on  the  Kalmar  Nyckel,  and  Michael 
Symonsen  was  first  mate,  who,  in  case  of 
Minuit 's  disablement,  should  take  command. 
Andreas  Jiiransson  was  skipper  on  the  Grip.  Me- 
morials and  instructions  were  given  to  the  officers, 
and  several  secret  articles  were  drawn  up  for  Peter 
Alinuit,  giving  minute  details  as  to  his  journey, 
lie  was  to  sail  in  the  summer,  taking  course  "be- 


The  founding  of  the  New  sWedEN  company    79 

hind  England  and  Scotland",  and  crossing  the 
ocean  about  the  44th  degree.  His  first  destination 
was  to  be  Sable  Island,  if  such  a  course  were  pos- 
sible. The  island  was  to  be  thoroughly  explored 
and  carefully  mapped  and  sketched,  with  clear  in- 
dications of  all  rivers,  harbors  and  roads.  It  was 
to  be  called  Christina  and  occupied  in  the  name  of 
the  Swedish  crown,  by  the  erecting  of  the  Swedish 
coat-of-arms.  Minuit  was  to  hunt  the  black  foxes 
reported  to  be  plentiful  on  the  island,  and  he  was 
to  capture  calves  or  cattle,  which  were  to  be  taken 
to  the  South  River.  Having  performed  his  duties 
at  Sable  Island,  he  was  to  proceed  to  the  South 
Eiver,  buying  sawant  from  the  Indians  along  the 
coast.  In  case,  however,  the  wind  proved  too 
westerly  for  such  a  course,  he  was  to  go  by  way  of 
the  Caribbees  between  Cuba  and  Spaniola  and 
thence  to  the  South  River. 

Arriving  there  he  was  to  sail  up  to  the  Minquas 
Kill,  where  he  was  to  establish  communications 
with  the  Indians.  Having  done  so  he  was  to  ex- 
plore the  river  as  far  as  the  Sankikan  Kill, ' '  seeing 
to  it  that  his  people  did  no  harm  to  the  savages," 
and  he  was  to  buy  the  land  on  the  west  side  of  the 
Delaware  between  the  aforesaid  two  streams.  He 
was  to  erect  the  Swedish  coat-of-arms  at  the 
northern  and  southern  limits  of  the  land,  which 
was  then  to  be  called  Neir  Siredeu.  His  basis  of 
operations  was  to  be  the  Minquas  Kill,  where  he 


8o  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

was  to  erect  a  stronghold,  giving  it,  with  the  firing 
of  cannon,  the  name  of  New  Stockhohn,  He  was 
to  begin  the  beaver  trade  with  the  Indians,  and 
he  should  buy  cattle,  horses,  sheep,  goats  and  pigs 
at  New  Amsterdam  for  the  establishment  of  his 
colony. 

After  com]3leting  his  business  in  the  South 
River,  he  was  to  proceed  on  board  the  Kalmar 
Nyckel  to  the  coast  of  Florida.  Here  he  was  also 
to  take  possession  of  land  in  the  name  of  the  Swed- 
ish government  by  erecting  the  Swedish  coat-of- 
arms  and  by  calling  the  territory  Neiv  Sweden. 

A  letter  containing  thirty-two  articles  directed 
to  the  commander  as  well  as  the  sailors  and  sol- 
diers was  also  given  to  Minuit.  The  officers  and 
men  were  to  keep  good  watch  da}^  and  night  and 
they  were  always  to  be  prepared  for  every  emer- 
gency, having  their  arms  in  readiness  to  fight  if 
necessary.  Stealing  was  to  be  severely  punished, 
no  fighting  between  the  sailors  was  to  be  allowed 
and  all  drunkeness  was  strictly  prohibited,  break- 
ers of  this  rule  being  put  into  irons  for  three  days. 
Playing  at  dice  as  well  as  all  other  games  of  chance 
were  forbidden;  no  one  was  to  barter  on  his  own 
account,  or  to  handle  goods  belonging  to  private 
mcrcliants.  Prayers  were  to  be  conducted  morn- 
in^>'  and  evening,  and  any  one  absent  froni  these 
exercises  without  duo  cause  would  be  fined  six 
sty  vers. 


THE   FOUNDING   OF   THE   NEW   SWEDEN   COMPANY    8l 

The  preparations  dragged  on  in  spite  of  all  the 
efforts  of  Fleming  and  Minuit  and  the  cold  north- 
ern winter  was  gradually  advancing,  threatening 
to  retard  the  expedition  for  months.  In  the  be- 
ginning of  November,  however,  the  two  gallant 
little  vessels  left  the  harbor  of  Gothenburg  with 
the  first  Swedish-American  emigrants  on  board 
and  were  soon  ploughing  into  a  heavy  sea.  Fear- 
ful storms  separated  the  ships  and  only  after  "a 
month's  cruising  about"  did  the  Kalmar  Nyckcl 
arrive  at  Texel,  leaking,  minus  its  prow  and  a 
mast.  A  week  later  the  Grip  arrived,  also  badly 
used.  The  suffering  of  the  poor  people  must  have 
been  intense,  and  it  was  fortunate  that  repairs  and 
contrary  winds  gave  them  a  chance  to  recuperate. 

The  ships  were  repaired  with  all  speed,  a  new 
pilot  was  assigned  to  them  and  about  December  20 
everything  was  in  readiness  for  the  continuation 
of  the  voyage;  but  contrary  winds  interfered  a 
few  days.  In  the  meantime  Kiliaen  van  Rens- 
selaer, a  friend  of  Minuit,  availing  himself  of  the 
occasion,  sent  several  cases  of  merchandise  on 
board  the  Kalmar  Nyckel,  and  engaged  passage  for 
six  colonists.  Towards  the  end  of  the  month  the 
wind  turned,  and  on  December  31  (n.  s.),  the  last 
day  of  the  year,  1637,  the  little  expedition  gave 
itself  ' '  to  the  broad  ocean  with  its  dead  calms  and 
howling  tempests,  its  tornadoes  and  its  billows 
mountain  high. ' ' 


82  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE   DELAWARE 

We  know  nothing  about  the  journey  across  the 
Atlantic — Minuit's  diary  and  log  are  lost;  but  the 
ships  reached  the  Delaware  in  good  condition,  and 
sailed  up  the  river  about  the  middle  of  March, 
1638.* 

Having  established  his  colony  according  to  his 
instructions,  Minuit  left  the  Delaware  some  time 
in  June  on  board  the  Kalmar  Nyckel,  destined  for 
the  island  of  St.  Christopher.  Arriving  there  he 
exchanged  his  cargo  of  wine  and  distilled  liquors 
for  tobacco.  While  in  the  harbor  Minuit  with  his 
skipper  was  invited  as  a  guest  on  board  '^the 
Flying  Deer  from  Eotterdam."  A  sudden  storm 
arose  which  drove  the  ship  out  to  sea.  She  was 
heard  of  no  more,  and  Minuit  with  the  other 
passengers  disappeared  for  ever.  The  Kalmar 
Nyckel  was  also  blown  out  of  port,  but  she  re- 
turaed  with  some  other  ships,  having  suif  ered  only 
slight  injury.  After  waiting  for  Minuit,  a  few 
days  the  vessel  set  sail  for  Europe.  About  the 
beginning  of  October  she  arrived  in  the  North  Sea 
near  the  coast  of  Holland,  where  she  was  again 
overtaken  by  a  severe  storm.  The  carpenter  was 
forced  to  cut  the  main  mast,  and  the  vessel  was  so 
severely  damaged  that  it  became  necessary  to  put 
into  Vlie  for  repairs.  Here  the  ship  was  seized 
by  officers  of  the  Dutch  West  Indian  Company,  as 
the  skipper  refused  to  show  his  commission,  and 

(*)     See  below,  p.  92ff, 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  THE   NEW  SWEDEN  COMPANY      83 

import  duty  was  demanded  on  the  cargo.  Word 
was  sent  to  Spiring,  who  presented  a  protest  to 
the  States  General.  His  intercession  became  un- 
necessary, however,  for  the  ship  was  liberated,  as 
soon  as  it  was  ascertained  that  the  skipper  sailed 
under  the  authority  of  the  Swedish  crown  (the 
relations  between  Sweden  and  Holland  being  very 
cordial  at  this  time). 

In  December  Spiring  caused  four  officers  from 
the  Kalmar  Nyckel  to  appear  before  Peter  Rut- 
tens,  a  notary  public,  in  Amsterdam  to  report 
under  oath  about  Minuit's  proceedings  in  New 
Sweden. 

The  circumstances  attending  the  land  purchase 
were  especially  emphasized  and  related  in  detail, 
as  they  formed  the  basis  for  the*  maintenance  of 
the  Swedish  title  to  the  new  land  against  possible 
protests  and  contention  of  the  Dutch  West  India 
Company.  A  document  was  drawn  up  in  Dutch 
giving  the  testimonj^  of  the  four  men,  "in  the  sight 
and  presence  of  the  honest  Cornelius  Vignois  and 
David  Willet,  called  in  for  this  purpose  as  credit- 
able witnesses."  A  certified  translation  into  Ger- 
man was  also  made. 

The  Grif},  having  cruised  about  in  Central 
American  waters  for  a  period,  left  New  Sweden 
towards  the  end  of  April,  1639,  and  arrived  at 
Gothenburg  about  the  beginning  of  June,  an  ex- 
ceedingly fast  journey  for  those  days. 


84  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

When  the  Grip  returned  it  was  possible  to  esti- 
mate the  success  of  this  first  venture  of  the  com- 
pany. Pelts  valued  at  15,426  florins  and  tobacco 
estimated  at  7,423  florins  made  up  the  cargo  of  the 
two  ships,  while  the  expenses  reached  the  sum  of 
over  46,000  florins.  The  expedition  therefore 
proved  a  financial  failure  as  far  as  the  immediate 
returns  were  concerned.  The  Dutch  shareholders, 
who  were  dissatisfied  even  before  the  ships  left 
Europe,  on  account  of  the  late  start  and  the  heavy 
expense,  were  now  thoroughly  discouraged  and 
desirous  of  withdrawing  from  the  company.  They 
refused  to  contribute  to  a  second  expedition,  but 
were  finally  persuaded  to  do  so. 

IV. 

As  early  as  the  sjiring  and  summer  of  IGoS 
Fleming  made  ])roposals  for  a  second  voyage,  and 
in  the  autumn,  when  some  of  the  results  of  the  first 
voyage  became  known,  he  advised  the  sending  of 
a  large  expedition  to  the  new  colony.  A  little  later 
the  council  resolved  that  the  Dove  and  other  ships 
*' which  were  suitable  should  be  employed  for  the 
benefit  of  the  company."  At  this  time  Fleming 
also  invited  Willem  Usseliux  to  Stockholm  as  an 
adviser,  but  the  veteran  projector  of  companies 
was  detained  in  Germany,  it  seems,  and  could  not 
go.  Furthermore  he  thought  that  the  New  Sweden 
colony  would  never  be  a  success,  since  not  much 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  THE   NEW  SWEDEN  COMPANY      85 

besides  peltries  and  tobacco  could  be  purchased 
there. 

When  the  papers,  Indian  deeds  and  other  docu- 
ments, from  New  Sweden  arrived  in  Stockholm, 
Fleming's  enthusiasm  was  still  further  kindled. 
The  preparations  for  a  new  voyage,  which  had 
rested  for  a  while,  were  at  once  resumed.  The  col- 
ony was  to  be  populated.  Funds  were  to  be  raised 
by  selling  the  stock  of  the  South  Company  or 
otherwise,  and  an  able  manager  was  to  be  engaged, 
who  could  take  charge  of  the  work.  Fleming 
ordered  a  certain  ship  bought  by  the  city  of  Norr- 
koping  to  be  rebuilt  at  Vastervik  for  the  transpor- 
tation of  ' '  cattle  and  people ' ',  and  he  proposed  the 
repairing  of  other  vessels  for  a  journey.  He  sug- 
gested that  Swedish  colonists  should  be  prevailed 
upon  to  migrate,  and  that  some  Dutch  might  be 
allowed  to  settle  in  New  Sweden,  so  that  the  land 
would  be  speedily  peopled. 

A  successor  to  Minuit  could  not  be  found,  how- 
ever, and  Usselinx,  who  had  been  requested  to  sug- 
gest a  proper  person,  wrote  that  he  "knew  of  no 
one  he  could  recommend."  But  a  factor  was  ap- 
pointed at  Gothenburg  in  the  person  of  Timon  van 
Schottingen,  who  "as  a  capable  person  was  to 
manage  the  West  Indian  trade ' '  at  that  place.  He 
was  to  have  a  salary  of  200  D.  annually,  beginning 
on  January  1  1639.  Hans  Weis  was  also  commis- 


86  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE  DELAWARE 

sioned  to  aid  in  the  preparations,  and  lie  mani- 
fested great  interest  and  diligence  in  the  work. 

Captain  Cornells  van  Vliet  was  appointed  com- 
mander of  this  the  second  expedition.  He  had 
been  in  Swedish  service  for  about  ten  years  (being 
skipper  on  the  Looff  expedition,  1632-3),  and  he 
seems  to  have  gained  the  full  confidence  of  Flem- 
ing and  other  members  of  the  government.  ' '  The 
Crown  and  Queen",  says  his  instruction,  ''having 
made  a  serious  resolution  not  only  to  continue  the 
Virginian  navigation  but  to  carry  it  on  with  more 
vigor  than  before",  desired  him  ''to  go  to  the 
West  Indies  on  board  the  Kalmar  Nyckel  to  find 
out  the  location  of  the  colony."  He  was  charged 
to  learn  the  condition  of  the  inhabitants,  their 
trade  and  occupation,  the  kind  of  clothing  they 
used  and  the  articles  they  most  needed ;  he  should 
observe  the  fisheries  and  the  best  way  to  populate 
the  country  and  finally  he  was  to  hire  several 
officers  and  sailors  in  Holland  for  the  journey. 

After  long  delays  money  was  furnished  to  Blom- 
maert,  who  purchased  supplies  and  a  new  cargo. 
As  these  were  about  to  be  loaded  into  the  K (dinar 
Nyckel  (the  vessel  was  still  at  Amsterdam),  orders 
were  received  from  Fleming  that  the  ship  should 
intercept,  and  if  possible,  capture  Count  Kurtz, 
who  was  on  his  way  to  Denmark  and  Poland  on  a 
diplomatic  mission  for  Emperor  Ferdinand  III. 
The  return  voyage  was  thus  unduly  deferred.    The 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  THE   NEW  SWEDEN  COMPANY      87 

supplies,  being  partly  consumed  by  the  crew  in 
liolland,  were  completely  exhausted  when  the  ship 
plowed  into  the  port  of  Gothenburg  in  June,  1639. 
About  the  same  time  the  Grip  also  cast  anchor  in 
the  harbor.  Consequently  the  treasury  of  the 
company  was  drained  by  the  long  pay  rolls  of  the 
returning  officers  and  men  who  demanded  their 
wages.  But  the  preparations  went  on,  although 
Fleming's  intentions  were  not  carried  out,  and 
only  one  vessel,  the  Kalmar  Nijckel,  was  to  be  sent. 
Money  was  supplied  from  the  customs  at  Gothen- 
burg, and  after  some  mishaps  the  ship  was  in 
readiness  for  its  second  voyage. 

Meanwhile  great  efforts  to  gather  colonists  had 
been  made.  Several  governors  and  other  officials 
had  been  enlisted  to  look  for  emigrants.  Governor 
Hindrickson  of  Elfsborg  was  especially  requested 
to  engage  some  artisans,  such  as  blacksmiths,  shoe- 
makers, brickmakers,  carpenters  and  otliors,  three 
or  four  of  them  to  be  married,  who  should  take 
their  wives  along  to  cook,  make  beer  and  wash  for 
the  settlers.  As  it  was  difficult  to  find  people  will- 
ing to  migrate  on  their  own  accord,  it  was  decided 
to  deport  to  America,  with  their  families  and 
property,  deserted  soldiers  and  others,  who  had 
committed  some  slight  misdemeanor.  After  one 
or  two  years  they  were  allowed  to  return,  if  they 
so  desired.    We  do  not  know  how  many  such  col- 


88  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

onists  wore  sent  on  the  vessel,  but  their  number 
must  have  been  very  small. 

Several  new  officers  went  to  New  Sweden  on  this 
expedition,  among  whom  were  Rev.  Torkillus, 
Commander  Ridder,  Van  Dyck  and  Van  Langdonk. 
The  Eev.  Eeorus  Torkillus  was  commissioned  to 
look  after  the  spiritual  needs  of  the  settlement. 
He  had  been  educated  at  Lidkoping  and  Skara  and 
had  been  employed  as  lecturer  and  chaplain  in 
Gothenburg  before  his  charge  in  New  Sweden. 
He  became  the  pioneer  of  Lutheranism  in  the  new 
world  and  the  first  Lutheran  clergjTnan  within 
the  United  States.  Peter  Hollender  Bidder  was 
appointed  commander  at  Fort  Christina.  Bidder 
entered  the  Swedish  service  about  1635  and  was 
employed  in  various  capacities  before  his  present 
appointment.  His  instruction,  which  was  dated 
July  1,  1639,  directed  him  to  rule  over  the  people 
gathered  at  Fort  Christina,  and  "to  work  for  the 
good  and  success  of  the  company  and  the  crown." 
Joost  van  Langdonk  was  sent  out  as  factor  in  the 
place  of  Henrick  Huygen,  and  Gregorius  van 
Dyck,  whose  name  will  often  be  found  in  the  fol- 
lowing pages,  was  to  serve  as  assistant  commis- 
sioner. 

Fleming  at  first  intended  to  ship  over  a  large 
number  of  horses  and  cattle, but, as  the  settlers  had 
no  fodder,  it  was  later  thought  advisable  to  wait 
until  the  following  spring.     "Only  four  mares  and 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  THE   NEW  SWEDEN  COMPANY      89 

two  young  horses  and  a  number  of  farming  imple- 
ments are  now  sent  over",  writes  the  admiral, 
''so  that  the  colonists  can  make  a  trial  with  seed- 
ing in  the  autumn." 

In  the  beginning  of  September  the  KaluKir 
Ni/ckel  left  the  harbor  for  its  long  journey  "with 
people,  horses,  fodder  and  pro^^sions."  In  the 
North  Sea  she  sprang  a  leak  and  had  to  run  into 
Medemblik  for  repairs.  Twice  the  ship  set  sail, 
but  was  twice  compelled  to  return  to  harbor,  as  the 
repairs  had  been  badly  done.  The  vessel  was  then 
taken  to  Amsterdam,  where  it  was  discovered  that 
various  frauds  had  been  perpetrated.  The  cap- 
tain was  removed  from  his  service,  and  Pouwel 
Jansen  appointed  in  his  place.  Some  new  sailors 
were  also  hired  and  paid  two  months  wages  in  ad- 
vance. Finally  the  ship  was  again  ready,  but  new 
troubles  were  in  store  for  it.  A  great  storm  swept 
over  the  coast  on  December  27  still  further  delay- 
ing the  expedition.  Consequently  the  expenses 
were  increasing,  and  the  total  cost  of  the  voyage 
had  now  reached  nearly  16,000  ]).  On  February 
7,  however,  the  ship  glided  out  of  the  harbor  under 
full  sails,  setting  course  through  the  English  Chan- 
nel and  thence  probably  direct  across  the  ocean. 

Fleming  and  Blommaert  were  unfortunate  in 
their  selection  of  officers  for  the  expedition. 
Joost  van  Langdonk  cared  little  for  the  ves- 
sel,  and   left   her   to   the   charge   of   Van   Dyck 


90  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE  DELAWARE 

and  the  lieutenant.  On  the  journey  Van  Lang- 
donk  and  the  skipper  passed  their  time  in 
smoking  and  drinking  and  in  scolding  Van 
Dyck  and  the  Swedes.  They  were  especially  bitter 
against  the  Lutheran  religion,  even  forbidding 
Van  Dyck  to  attend  service,  and  they  treated  Rev. 
Torkillus  in  a  most  disrespectful  manner.  "As 
our  preacher  came",  wrote  Van  Dyck,  "in  order 
to  make  prayer,  they  ran  away,  as  if  they  had  seen 
the  devil.  And  when,  on  March  17,  a  youth  asked 
for  a  little  wine  for  the  preacher  who  was  sick  I 
am  ashamed  to  write  the  answer  [he  got],"  The 
factor  and  the  skipper  managed  things  to  suit 
themselves,  and  took  no  council  with  the  other 
officers.  Consequently  the  discipline  was  poor, 
and  drunkeness  was  common,  the  steward  himself 
licing  intoxicated  daily. 

The  shiyj  encountered  severe  storms,  causing 
great  hardshii)s  to  the  people  and  cattle;  but  she 
arrived  safely  in  New  Sweden  on  the  seventeenth 
of  Ai)ril,  1640.  She  was  speedily  made  ready  for 
her  return  journey  and  ou  or  shortly  after  May  14 
she  left  the  colony  with  a  large  cargo,  destined  for 
Sweden.  She  reached  Gothenburg  about  the  be- 
ginning of  July.  Here  Hans  Weis  took  charge  of 
the  shi]:),  until  her  cargo  was  sent  to  Stockholm, 
where  it  was  to  be  sold.  Several  colonists  returned 
to  Sweden  on  the  Kalmcir  Ni/dccl  in  KUO,  among 
whom  were  Henrick  Huygen  and  Mans  Kling. 


THE   FOUNDING   OF   THE   NEW   SWEDEN   COMPANY   91 

The  Dutch  members  desired  to  withdraw  from 
the  company,  when  the  first  expedition  returned; 
but  their  investments  forced  them  to  remain.  They 
reluctantly  agreed  to  pay  for  half  of  the  provisions 
and  cargo  bought  in  Holland  for  the  second  expe- 
dition, but  they  would  incur  none  of  the  expenses 
of  the  Kalmar  Nyckel  on  her  outward  voyage  in  the 
winter  of  1640.  They  were  stockholders  in  the 
Dutch  West  India  company,  and  their  membership 
in  the  Swedish  organization  was  becoming  uncom- 
fortable for  them. 

The  Swedish  government  finally  decided  to  buy 
the  Dutch  shares.  In  February,  1641  ' '  His  Excel- 
lency the  Treasurer  said  that  the  government  has 
found  it  expedient  to  release  the  Dutch  partici- 
l)ants  from  the  New  Indian  or  Florida  company, 
since  they  are  a  hindrance  to  us."  The  Dutch 
stockholders  agreed  to  be  satisfied  with  18,000 
florins,  which  was  a  little  less  than  the  money  they 
had  furnished,  above  the  proceeds  of  the  first 
voyage,  and  on  February  20  Peter  Spiring  was  in- 
structed to  pay  them  the  above  sum. 

The  company  was  now  operated  entirely  by 
Swedish  capital.  It  was  re-organized  and  several 
new  officers  were  engaged.  Blommaert,  although 
no  longer  a  stockholder,  continued  to  aid  the  expe- 
ditions until  he  severed  his  connections  with  the 
Swedish  crown,  and  Peter  Spiring  and  other 
Swedish  agents  in  Holland  served  the  company,  as 


92  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

before,  in  various  capacities.  "  Sometime  in  1640 
Jolian  Beier  was  appointed  treasurer  at  Stock- 
holm, and  late  in  the  summer  Benjamin  Bonnel 
was  made  factor.  He  was  to  have  a  salary  of  600 
]).  a  year,  besides  traveling  expenses  and  his  duties 
were  to  sell  all  cargoes  coming  from  America  and 
to  manage  the  company 's  tobacco-trade  in  Sweden. 
In  January  1641  Hans  Kramer  was  engaged  as 
bookkeeper  at  a  salary  of  400  D.  a  year.  Klas 
Fleming  remained  president  and  director,  and  con- 
tinued to  sign  the  memorials  and  instructions  for 
llie  other  officers. 

About  this  time  a  certain  Robert  Smytlie  (an 
English  merchant),  having  observed  that  Oxen- 
stierna  "was  a  lover  of  the  foreign  trade"  which 
had  been  established  with  America,  offered  his  ser- 
vices to  the  chancellor,  and  selected  thirty  Swedes 
(among  whom  were  two  students  from  Upsala  and 
two  noblemen),  willing  to  go  on  an  expedition, 
lie  stated  that  New  Sweden  could  be  settled  by 
foreign  people,  if  desirable  privileges,  freedom 
from  duty  for  some  years  and  religious  liberty, 
were  granted  and  he  made  various  suggestions 
concerning  Swedish  commerce  and  trade.  Noth- 
ing, however,  seems  to  have  come  out  of  his  plans, 
but  one  of  his  suggestions  soon  materialized — "a 
colony  of  foreign  people"  was  about  to  be  i)lanted 
in  New  Sweden  under  s})ecial  x)rivi leges. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  THE  NEW  SWEDEN  COMPANY      77 

however,  lie  became  ill,  somevvliat  delaying-  the 
work. 

About  the  begiinilng  of  May  Minuit  was  able  to 
resume  his  duties.  The  original  plans  having  been 
altered,  the  council  of  state  decided  to  furnish  two 
vessels  and  a  sloop  and  to  fit  out  a  larger  expe- 
dition than  the  memorials  called  for.  Conse- 
quently the  preliminary  preparations  in  Sweden 
consumed  more  time  than  the  Dutch  organizers 
expected.  Other  circumstances  also  caused  de- 
lays. Finally  the  government  granted  a  charter, 
Yv^hich  (together  with  other  papers)  Minuit  carried 
to  Amsterdam  in  August,  when  he  returned  there 
to  complete  the  preparations. 

Blommaert  had  been  busy  during  the  summer 
buying  cloth  and  other  merchandise  for  the  Indian 
trade.  He  had  also  engaged  a  number  of  experi- 
enced sailors,  as  these  were  difficult  to  hire  in 
Sweden.  The  sailors  and  officers  together  with  a 
large  part  of  the  cargo  were  sent  to  Sweden  in  the 
summer ;  and  on  August  22,  Blommaert  wrote  that 
' '  the  rest  of  all  necessary  supplies  was  being  ship- 
ped to  Gothenburg  and  Minuit  with  two  barbers 
and  other  officers  was  going  on  the  same  vessel. ' ' 

The  preparations  in  Sweden  advanced  slowly, 
although  Fleming  did  his  utmost  to  get  the  expe- 
dition under  way.  Ammunition  and  considerable 
cash  was  supplied  by  the  government.  Two  ships 
(also  furnished  by  the  crown),  the  Kalmar  Nychel, 


78  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

commanded  by  Captain  Anders  Nilsson  Krober, 
and  the  Fogel  Grip,  commanded  by  Lieutenant 
Jacob  Barben,  were  at  last  ready  and  set  sail  from 
Stockholm  about  the  middle  of  August.  They  ar- 
]-ived  at  Gothenburg-  about  three  weeks  later,  for 
in  the  beginning  of  September,  Minuit  was  busy 
loading  the  boats.  The  cargoes  consisted  of  sev- 
eral thousand  yards  of  duffels  and  other  cloth,  sev- 
eral hundred  axes,  hatchets  and  adzes,  several 
hundred  knives,  dozens  of  tobacco  pipes,  mirrors 
and  looking  glasses,  gilded  chains  and  finger  rings, 
combs,  ear-rings  and  other  ornaments, — all  for  the 
Indian  trade.  Spades,  hoes  and  other  implements 
of  agriculture  were  also  included  for  the  use  of 
the  colony. 

Probably  half  of  the  sailors  were  Hollanders, 
the  other  half,  Swedes.  The  majority  of  the  sol- 
diers sent  to  garrison  the  forts  were  Swedes,  com- 
manded by  Mans  Nelsson  Kling.  Heni-ick  Iluygen, 
a  rehitive  of  Minuit,  was  appointed  commissioner 
of  the  colony.  Jan  liindricksen  van  der  Water 
was  skipi^er  on  the  Kahiiar  Nyckel,  and  Michael 
Symonsen  was  first  mate,  who,  in  case  of 
Minuit 's  disablement,  should  take  conmiand. 
Andreas  Joransson  was  skipper  on  the  Grip.  Me- 
morials and  instructions  xs-eve  given  to  the  officers, 
;ind  several  secret  articles  were  drawn  up  for  Peter 
]\Iinuit,  giving  minute  details  as  to  his  journey. 
He  was  to  sail  in  the  summer,  taking  course  "be- 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  THE  NEW  SWEDEN  COMPANY     79 

liind  England  and  Scotland",  and  crossing  the 
ocean  abont  the  44th  degree.  His  first  destination 
was  to  be  Sable  Island,  if  such  a  course  were  pos- 
sible. The  island  was  to  be  thoroughly  explored 
and  carefully  mapped  and  sketched,  with  clear  in- 
dications of  all  rivers,  harbors  and  roads.  It  was 
to  be  called  Christina  and  occupied  in  the  name  of 
the  Swedish  crown,  by  the  erecting  of  the  Swedish 
coat-of-arms,  Minuit  was  to  hunt  the  black  foxes 
reported  to  be  plentiful  on  the  island,  and  he  was 
to  capture  calves  or  cattle,  which  were  to  be  taken 
to  the  South  River.  Having  performed  his  duties 
at  Sable  Island,  he  was  to  proceed  to  the  South 
River,  buying  saivant  from  the  Indians  along  the 
coast.  In  case,  however,  the  wind  proved  too 
westerly  for  such  a  course,  he  was  to  go  by  way  of 
the  Caribbees  between  Cuba  and  Spaniola  and 
thence  to  the  South  River. 

Arriving  there  he  was  to  sail  up  to  the  Minquas 
Kill,  where  he  was  to  establish  communications 
with  the  Indians.  Having  done  so  he  was  to  ex- 
plore the  river  as  far  as  the  Sankikan  Kill, ' '  seeing 
to  it  that  his  people  did  no  harm  to  the  savages," 
and  he  was  to  buy  the  land  on  the  west  side  of  the 
Delaware  between  the  aforesaid  two  streams.  He 
was  to  erect  the  Swedish  coat-of-arms  at  the 
northern  and  southern  limits  of  the  land,  which 
was  then  to  be  called  New  Sweden.  His  basis  of 
operations  was  to  be  the  Minquas  Kill,  where  he 


8o  THE  SWEDliS  ON   TH£;  DELAWARE 

was  to  erect  a  strongliold,  giving  it,  with  the  firing 
of  cannon,  the  name  of  New  Stockholm.  He  was 
to  begin  the  beaver  trade  with  tlie  Indians,  and 
he  sliould  buy  cattle,  horses,  sheep,  goats  and  pigs 
at  New  Amsterdam  for  the  establishment  of  his 
colony. 

After  completing  his  business  in  the  South 
Eiver,  he  was  to  proceed  on  board  the  Kalmar 
Nijckel  to  the  coast  of  Florida.  Here  he  was  also 
to  take  possession  of  land  in  the  name  of  the  Swed- 
ish government  by  erecting  the  Swedish  coat-of- 
arms  and  by  calling  the  territory  Neiv  Sweden. 

A  letter  containing  thirty-two  articles  directed 
to  the  commander  as  well  as  the  sailors  and  sol- 
diers was  also  given  to  Minuit.  The  officers  and 
men  were  to  keep  good  watch  day  and  night  and 
they  were  always  to  be  prepared  for  every  emer- 
gency, having  their  arms  in  readiness  to  light  if 
necessary.  Stealing  was  to  be  severely  punished, 
no  fighting  between  the  sailors  was  to  be  allowed 
and  all  drunkeness  was  strictly  prohibited,  break- 
ers of  this  rule  being  put  into  irons  for  three  days. 
Playing  at  dice  as  well  as  all  other  games  of  chance 
Avere  forbidden ;  no  one  was  to  barter  on  his  own 
account,  or  to  handle  goods  belonging  to  private 
merchants.  Prayers  v/ere  to  be  conducted  morn- 
ing and  evening,  and  any  one  a])sent  from  these 
exercises  without  due  cause  would  be  fmed  six 
sty  vers. 


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THE   FOUNDING   OF   THE    NEW   SWEDEN   COMPANY    8 1 

The  preparations  dragged  on  in  spite  of  all  the 
efforts  of  Fleming  and  Minuit  and  the  cold  north- 
ern winter  was  gradually  advancing,  threatening 
to  retard  the  expedition  for  months.  In  the  be- 
ginning of  November,  however,  the  two  gallant 
little  vessels  left  the  harbor  of  Gothenburg  with 
the  first  Swedish-American  emigrants  on  board 
and  were  soon  ploughing  into  a  heavy  sea.  Fear- 
ful storms  separated  tlie  ships  and  only  after  "a 
month's  cruising  about"  did  the  Kalmar  Nyckel 
arrive  at  Texel,  leaking,  minus  its  prow  and  a 
mast.  A  week  later  the  Grip  arrived,  also  badly 
used.  The  suffering  of  the  poor  people  must  have 
been  intense,  and  it  was  fortunate  that  repairs  and 
contrary  winds  gave  them  a  chance  to  recuperate. 

The  ships  were  repaired  with  all  speed,  a  new 
pilot  was  assigned  to  them  and  about  December  20 
everything  was  in  readiness  for  the  continuation 
of  the  voyage;  but  contrary  winds  interfered  a 
few  days.  In  the  meantime  Kiliaen  van  Rens- 
selaer, a  friend  of  Minuit,  availing  himself  of  the 
occasion,  sent  several  cases  of  merchandise  on 
board  the  Kalmar  Nyckel,  and  engaged  passage  for 
six  colonists.  Towards  the  end  of  the  month  the 
wind  turned,  and  on  December  31  (n.  s.),  the  last 
day  of  the  year,  1637,  the  little  expedition  gave 
itself  ''  to  the  broad  ocean  with  its  dead  calms  and 
howling  tempests,  its  tornadoes  and  its  billows 
mountain  high. ' ' 


$2  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

We  know  nothing  about  the  journey  across  the 
Atlantic — Minuit's  diary  and  log  are  lost;  but  the 
ships  reached  the  Delaware  in  good  condition,  and 
sailed  up  the  river  about  the  middle  of  March, 
1638.* 

Having  established  his  colony  according  to  his 
instructions,  Minnit  left  the  Delaware  some  time 
in  June  on  board  the  Kahnar  Nyckel,  destined  for 
the  island  of  St.  Christopher.  Arriving  there  he 
exchanged  his  cargo  of  wine  and  distilled  liquors 
for  tobacco.  "V^Hiile  in  the  harbor  Minuit  with  his 
skipper  was  invited  as  a  guest  on  board  ''the 
Flying  Deer  from  Rotterdam."  A  sudden  storm 
arose  which  drove  the  ship  out  to  sea.  She  was 
heard  of  no  more,  and  Minuit  with  the  other 
passengers  disappeared  for  ever.  The  Kalmar 
Nyckel  was  also  blown  out  of  port,  but  she  re- 
turned with  some  other  ships,  having  suffered  only 
slight  injury.  After  waiting  for  Minuit,  a  few 
days  the  vessel  set  sail  for  Europe.  About  the 
beginning  of  October  she  arrived  in  the  North  Sea 
near  the  coast  of  Holland,  where  she  was  again 
overtaken  by  a  severe  storm.  The  carpenter  was 
forced  to  cut  the  main  mast,  and  the  vessel  was  so 
severely  damaged  that  it  became  necessary  to  put 
into  Vlie  for  repairs.  Here  the  ship  was  seized 
by  officers  of  the  Dutch  West  Indian  Company,  as 
the  skipper  refused  to  show  his  commission,  and 

(*)     See  below,  p,  92ff. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  THE    NEW  SWEDEN  COiMPANY      83 

import  duty  was  demanded  on  the  cargo.  Word 
was  sent  to  Spiring,  who  presented  a  protest  to 
the  States  General.  His  intercession  became  mi- 
necessary,  however,  for  the  ship  was  liberated,  as 
soon  as  it  was  ascertained  that  the  skipper  sailed 
under  the  authority  of  the  Swedish  crown  (the 
relations  between  Sweden  and  Holland  being  very 
cordial  at  this  time). 

In  December  Spiring  caused  four  officers  from 
the  Kalmar  NycUel  to  appear  before  Peter  Rut- 
tens,  a  notary  public,  in  Amsterdam  to  report 
under  oath  about  Minuit's  proceedings  in  New 
Sweden. 

The  circumstances  attending  the  land  purchase 
were  especially  emphasized  and  related  in  detail, 
as  they  formed  the  basis  for  the  maintenance  of 
the  Swedish  title  to  the  new  land  against  possible 
protests  and  contention  of  the  Dutch  West  India 
Company.  A  document  was  drawn  up  in  Dutch 
giving  the  testimony  of  the  four  men, ' '  in  the  sight 
and  presence  of  the  honest  Cornelius  Vignois  and 
David  Willet,  called  in  for  this  purpose  as  credit- 
able witnesses."  A  certified  translation  into  Ger- 
man was  also  made. 

The  Grip,  having  cruised  about  in  Central 
American  waters  for  a  period,  left  New  Sweden 
towards  the  end  of  April,  1639,  and  arrived  at 
Gothenburg  about  the  beginning  of  June,  an  ex- 
ceedingly fast  journey  for  those  days. 


84  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE   DELAWARE 

When  the  GriiJ  returned  it  was  possible  to  esti- 
mate the  success  of  this  first  venture  of  the  com- 
pany. Pelts  valued  at  15,426  florins  and  tobacco 
estimated  at  7,423  florins  made  up  the  cargo  of  the 
two  ships,  while  the  expenses  reached  the  sum  of 
over  46,000  florins.  The  expedition  therefore 
proved  a  financial  failure  as  far  as  the  immediate 
returns  were  concerned.  The  Dutch  shareholders, 
who  were  dissatisfied  even  before  the  ships  left 
Europe,  on  account  of  the  late  start  and  the  heavy 
expense,  were  now  thoroughly  discouraged  and 
desirous  of  withdrawing  from  the  company.  They 
refused  to  contribute  to  a  second  expedition,  but 
were  finally  persuaded  to  do  so. 

IV. 

As  early  as  the  spring  and  summer  of  1638 
Fleming  made  proposals  for  a  second  voyage,  and 
in  the  autumn,  when  some  of  the  results  of  the  first 
voyage  became  known,  he  advised  the  sending  of 
a  large  expedition  to  the  new  colony.  A  little  later 
the  council  resolved  that  the  Dove  and  other  ships 
''which  were  suitable  should  be  employed  for  the 
benefit  of  the  company."  At  this  time  Fleming 
also  invited  Willem  Usselinx  to  Stockholm  as  an 
adviser,  but  the  veteran  projector  of  couipanics 
was  detained  in  Germany,  it  seems,  and  could  not 
go.  Furthermore  he  thought  that  the  New  Sweden 
colony  would  never  be  a  success,  since  not  much 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  THE   NEW  SWEDEN  COMPANY      85 

besides  peltries  and  tobacco  could  be  x>iirchased 
there. 

Wlien  the  papers,  Indian  deeds  and  other  docu- 
ments, from  New  Sweden  arrived  in  Stockholm, 
Fleming's  enthusiasm  Avas  still  further  kindled. 
The  preparations  for  a  new  voyage,  which  had 
rested  for  a  while,  were  at  once  resumed.  The  col- 
ony was  to  be  populated.  Funds  were  to  be  raised 
by  selling  the  stock  of  the  South  Company  or 
otherwise,  and  an  able  manager  was  to  be  engaged, 
who  could  take  charge  of  the  work.  Fleming 
ordered  a  certain  ship  bought  by  the  city  of  Norr- 
koping  to  be  rebuilt  at  Vastervik  for  the  transpor- 
tation of  "cattle  and  people",  and  he  proposed  the 
repairing  of  other  vessels  for  a  journey.  He  sug- 
gested that  Swedish  colonists  should  be  prevailed 
upon  to  migrate,  and  that  some  Dutch  might  be 
allowed  to  settle  in  New  Sweden,  so  that  the  land 
would  be  speedily  peopled. 

A  successor  to  Minuit  could  not  bo  found,  how- 
ever, and  Usselinx,  who  had  been  requested  to  sug- 
gest a  proper  person,  wrote  that  he  "knew  of  no 
one  he  could  recommend."  But  a  factor  was  ap- 
pointed at  Gothenburg  in  the  person  of  Timon  van 
Schottingen,  who  "as  a  capable  person  was  to 
manage  the  West  Indian  trade ' '  at  that  place.  He 
was  to  have  a  salary  of  200  D.  annually,  beginning 
on  January  1,  1639.  Hans  Weis  was  also  commis- 


86  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

sioned  to  aid  in  the  preparations,  and  he  mani- 
fested great  interest  and  diligence  in  the  work. 

Captain  Cornelis  van  Vliet  was  appointed  com- 
mander of  this  the  second  expedition.  He  had 
been  in  Swedish  service  for  about  ten  years  (being 
skipper  on  the  Looff  expedition,  1632-3),  and  he 
seems  to  have  gained  the  full  confidence  of  Flem- 
ing and  other  members  of  the  government,  ' '  The 
Crown  and  Queen",  says  his  instruction,  ''having 
made  a  serious  resolution  not  only  to  continue  the 
Virginian  navigation  but  to  carry  it  on  with  more 
vigor  than  before",  desired  him  *'to  go  to  the 
"West  Indies  on  board  the  Kalmar  Nyckel  to  find 
out  the  location  of  the  colony. ' '  He  was  charged 
to  learn  the  condition  of  the  inhabitants,  their 
trade  and  occupation,  the  kind  of  clothing  they 
used  and  the  articles  they  most  needed ;  he  should 
observe  the  fisheries  and  the  best  way  to  populate 
the  country  and  finally  he  was  to  hire  several 
officers  and  sailors  in  Holland  for  the  journey. 

After  long  delays  money  was  furnished  to  Blom- 
maert,  who  purchased  supplies  and  a  new  cargo. 
As  these  were  about  to  be  loaded  into  the  Kalmar 
Nyckel  (the  vessel  was  still  at  Amsterdam),  orders 
were  received  from  Fleming  that  the  ship  should 
intercept,  and  if  possible,  capture  Count  Kurtz, 
who  was  on  his  way  to  Denmark  and  Poland  on  a 
diplomatic  mission  for  Emperor  Ferdinand  III. 
The  return  voyage  was  thus  unduly  deferred.    The 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  THE   NEW  SWEDEN  COMPANY      87 

supplies,  being  partly  consumed  by  the  crew  in 
Holland,  were  completely  exhausted  when  the  ship 
plowed  into  the  port  of  Gothenburg  in  June,  1639. 
About  the  same  time  the  Grip  also  cast  anchor  in 
the  harbor.  Consequently  the  treasury  of  the 
company  was  drained  by  the  long  pay  rolls  of  the 
returning  officers  and  men  who  demanded  their 
wages.  But  the  preparations  went  on,  although 
Fleming's  intentions  were  not  carried  out,  and 
only  one  vessel,  the  Kalmar  Nyckel,  was  to  be  sent. 
Money  was  supplied  from  the  customs  at  Gothen- 
burg, and  after  some  mishaps  the  ship  was  in 
readiness  for  its  second  voyage. 

Meanwhile  great  efforts  to  gather  colonists  had 
been  made.  Several  governors  and  other  officials 
had  been  enlisted  to  look  for  emigrants.  Governor 
Hindrickson  of  Elfsborg  was  especially  requested 
to  engage  some  artisans,  such  as  blacksmiths,  shoe- 
makers, brickmakers,  carpenters  and  others,  three 
or  four  of  them  to  be  married,  who  should  take 
their  wives  along  to  cook,  make  beer  and  wash  for 
the  settlers.  As  it  was  difficult  to  find  people  will- 
ing to  migrate  on  their  own  accord,  it  was  decided 
to  deport  to  America,  with  their  families  and 
property,  deserted  soldiers  and  others,  who  had 
committed  some  slight  misdemeanor.  After  one 
or  two  years  they  were  allowed  to  return,  if  they 
so  desired.    We  do  not  know  how  many  such  col- 


88  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE   DELAWARE 

onists  were  sent  on  the  vessel,  but  their  number 
must  have  been  very  small. 

Several  new  officers  went  to  New  Sweden  on  this 
expedition,  among  whom  were  Rev.  Torkillus, 
Commander  Ridder,  Van  Djck  and  Van  Langdonk. 
The  Rev.  Reorus  Torkillus  was  commissioned  to 
look  after  the  spiritual  needs  of  the  settlement. 
He  had  been  educated  at  Lidkoping  and  Skara  and 
had  been  employed  as  lecturer  and  chaplain  in 
Gothenburg  before  his  charge  in  New  Sweden. 
He  became  the  pioneer  of  Lutheranism  in  the  new 
world  and  the  first  Lutheran  clergyman  within 
the  United  States.  Peter  Hollender  Ridder  was 
appointed  commander  at  Fort  Christina.  Ridder 
entered  the  Swedish  service  about  1635  and  was 
employed  in  various  capacities  before,  his  present 
appointment.  His  instruction,  which  was  dated 
July  1,  1639,  directed  him  to  rule  over  the  people 
gathered  at  Fort  Christina,  and  ''to  work  for  the 
good  and  success  of  the  company  and  the  crown." 
Joost  van  Langdonk  was  sent  out  as  factor  in  the 
place  of  Henrick  Huygen,  and  Gregorius  van 
Dyck,  whose  name  will  often  be  found  in  the  fol- 
lowing pages,  was  to  serve  as  assistant  commis- 
sioner. 

Fleming  at  first  intended  to  ship  over  a  large 
number  of  horses  and  cattle,but,as  the  settlers  had 
no  fodder,  it  was  later  thought  advisable  to  wait 
until  the  following  spring.     ' '  Only  four  mares  and 


The  founding  of  the  new  sweden  company    89 

two  young  horses  and  a  number  of  farming  imple- 
ments are  now  sent  over",  writes  the  admiral, 
"so  that  the  colonists  can  make  a  trial  with  seed- 
ing in  the  autumn." 

In  the  beginning  of  September  the  Kahnar 
Nycl-el  left  the  harbor  for  its  long  journey  "with 
people,  horses,  fodder  and  provisions."  In  the 
North  Sea  she  sprang  a  leak  and  had  to  run  into 
Medemblik  for  repairs.  Twice  the  ship  set  sail, 
but  was  twice  compelled  to  return  to  harbor,  as  the 
repairs  had  been  badly  done.  The  vessel  was  then 
taken  to  Amsterdam,  where  it  was  discovered  that 
various  frauds  had  been  perjoetrated.  The  cap- 
tain was  removed  from  his  service,  and  Pouwel 
Jansen  appointed  in  his  place.  Some  new  sailors 
were  also  hired  and  paid  two  months  wages  in  ad- 
vance. Finally  the  ship  was  again  ready,  but  new 
troubles  were  in  store  for  it.  A  great  storm  swept 
over  the  coast  on  December  27  still  further  delay- 
ing the  expedition.  Consequently  the  expenses 
were  increasing,  and  the  total  cost  of  the  voyage 
had  now  reached  nearly  16,000  D.  On  February 
7,  however,  the  ship  glided  out  of  the  harbor  under 
full  sails,  setting  course  through  the  English  Chan- 
nel and  thence  probably  direct  across  the  ocean. 

Fleming  and  Blommaert  were  unfortunate  in 
their  selection  of  officers  for  the  expedition. 
Joost  van  Langdonk  cared  little  for  the  ves- 
sel,  and   left   her   to   the   charge   of   Van   Dyck 


go  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

and  the  lieutenant.  On  the  journey  Van  Lang- 
donk  and  the  skipper  passed  their  time  in 
smoking  and  drinking  and  in  scolding  Van 
Dyck  and  the  Swedes.  They  were  especially  bitter 
against  the  Lutheran  religion,  even  forbidding- 
Van  Dyck  to  attend  service,  and  they  treated  Rev. 
Torkillus  in  a  most  disrespectful  manner.  ''As 
our  preacher  came",  wrote  Van  Dyck,  "in  order 
to  make  prayer,  they  ran  away,  as  if  they  had  seen 
the  devil.  And  when,  on  March  17,  a  youth  asked 
for  a  little  wine  for  the  preacher  who  was  sick  I 
am  ashamed  to  write  the  answer  [he  got]."  The 
factor  and  the  skipper  managed  things  to  suit 
themselves,  and  took  no  council  with  the  other 
officers.  Consequently  the  discipline  was  poor, 
and  drunkeness  was  common,  the  steward  himself 
being  intoxicated  daily. 

The  ship  encountered  severe  storms,  causing 
great  hardships  to  the  people  and  cattle;  but  she 
arrived  safely  in  New  Sweden  on  the  seventeenth 
of  April,  1640.  She  was  speedily  made  ready  for 
her  return  journey  and  on  or  shortly  after  May  14 
she  left  the  colony  with  a  large  cargo,  destined  for 
Sweden.  She  reached  Gothenburg  about  the  be- 
ginning of  July.  Here  Hans  Weis  took  charge  of 
the  ship,  until  her  cargo  was  sent  to  Stockholm, 
wliere  it  was  to  be  sold.  Several  colonists  returned 
to  Sweden  on  the  Kalmar  Ni/ckcl  in  1G40,  among 
whom  were  Henrick  Huygen  and  Mans  Kling. 


THE   FOUNDING    OF   THE   NEW   SWEDEN   COMPANY   gt 

The  Dutch  members  desired  to  withdraw  from 
the  company,  when  the  first  expedition  returned; 
but  their  investments  forced  them  to  remain.  They 
leiuctantly  agreed  to  pay  for  half  of  the  provisions 
and  cargo  bought  in  Holland  for  the  second  expe- 
dition, but  they  would  incur  none  of  the  expenses 
of  the  Kalmar  Ni/ckel  on  her  outward  voyage  in  the 
winter  of  1640.  They  were  stockholders  in  the 
Dutch  West  India  company,  and  their  membership 
in  the  Swedish  organization  was  becoming  uncom- 
fortable for  them. 

The  Swedish  government  finally  decided  to  buy 
the  Dutch  shares.  In  February,  1641  ' '  His  Excel- 
lency the  Treasurer  said  that  the  government  has 
found  it  expedient  to  release  the  Dutch  partici- 
l-ants  from  the  New  Indian  or  Florida  company, 
since  they  are  a  hindrance  to  us."  The  Dutch 
stockholders  agreed  to  be  satisfied  with  18,000 
florins,  which  was  a  little  less  than  the  money  they 
liad  furnished,  above  the  proceeds  of  the  first 
voyage,  and  on  February  20  Peter  Spiring  was  in- 
structed to  pay  them  the  above  sura. 

The  company  was  now  operated  entirely  by 
Swedish  capital.  It  was  re-organized  and  several 
new  officers  were  engaged.  Blommaert,  although 
no  longer  a  stockholder,  continued  to  aid  the  expe- 
ditions until  he  severed  his  connections  with  the 
Swedish  crown,  and  Peter  Spiring  and  other 
Swedish  agents  in  Holland  served  the  company,  as 


92  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

before,  in  various  capacities.  "  Sometime  in  1640 
Johan  Beier  was  appointed  treasurer  at  Stock- 
holm, and  late  in  the  summer  Benjamin  Bonnel 
was  made  factor.  He  was  to  have  a  salary  of  600 
I),  a  year,  besides  traveling  expenses  and  his  duties 
were  to  sell  all  cargoes  coming  from  America  and 
to  manage  the  company's  tobacco-trade  in  Sweden. 
In  January  1641  Hans  Kramer  was  engaged  as 
bookkeeper  at  a  salary  of  400  D.  a  year.  Klas 
Fleming  remained  president  and  director,  and  con- 
tinued to  sign  the  memorials  and  instructions  for 
the  other  officers. 

About  this  time  a  certain  Robert  Smythe  (an 
English  merchant),  having  observed  that  Oxen- 
stierna  "was  a  lover  of  the  foreign  trade"  which 
had  been  established  with  America,  offered  his  ser- 
vices to  the  chancellor,  and  selected  thirty  Swedes 
(among  whom  were  two  students  from  Upsala  and 
two  noblemen),  willing  to  go  on  an  expedition. 
He  stated  that  New  Sweden  could  be  settled  by 
foreign  people,  if  desirable  privileges,  freedom 
from  duty  for  some  years  and  religious  liberty, 
were  granted  and  he  made  various  suggestions 
concerning  Swedish  commerce  and  trade.  Noth- 
ing, however,  seems  to  have  come  out  of  his  plans, 
but  one  of  his  suggestions  soon  materialized — "a 
Colony  of  foreign  people"  was  about  to  be  phinted 
in  New  Sweden  under  special  privileges. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  THE    NEW  SWEDEN  COMPANY      93 

V. 

It  was  Miniiit's  intention  to  settle  a  large  num- 
ber of  Dutch  colonists  in  New  Sweden,  hut  his  idea 
died  with  him.  A  similar  plan,  however,  origi- 
nated from  another  direction.  ' '  Certain  people  in 
Utrecht,  seeing  that  the  burdens  on  the  land  fell 
heavier  for  every  year  and  that  the  farmer  could 
hardly  meet  his  expenses",  determined  to  go  to 
New  Netherlaud,  but  satisfactory  terms  could  not 
be  arranged  with  the  Dutch  West  India  Company. 
It  was  then  decided  to  seek  permission  to  locate  in 
New  Sweden  under  a  so-called  Patronat  govern- 
ment. Several  influential  stockholders  of  the 
Dutch  company,  interested  in  the  Utrecht  people, 
applied  as  patrons,  through  Blommaert,  to  the 
Swedish  government  for  necessary  rights  and 
privileges.  As  there  was  great  delay  in  Sweden  a 
special  agent,  Joost  van  Bogaert,  was  sent  to 
Stockholm  to  lay  the  matter  before  the  council  of 
state.  On  January  24,  1640,  a  charter  was  finally 
issued  by  the  government.  The  original  draft  was 
made  out  to  Godard  van  Reede,  Heer  van  der 
Nederhorst;  but  his  name  was  later  withdrawu 
and  Hendrik  Hooghkamer's  substituted  in  its 
place.  The  charter  stated  that  the  colony  should 
be  placed  on  the  west  side  of  the  South  River  at 
least  "four  or  five  common  German  miles"  (about 
twenty  English  miles)  above  Fort  Christina;  that 


94  THE  SWEDES   ON   THE  DELAWARE 

is  to  say  about  four  to  nine  miles  below  Philadel- 
phia. The  patrons  should  be  granted  as  much 
land  on  both  sides  of  the  river  as  was  necessary  for 
their  settlement,  on  the  condition,  however,  that  it 
be  improved  w^ithin  ten  years.  If  the  lands  at  first 
chosen  proved  unsatisfactory,  other  places  could 
be  selected  with  the  consent  of  the  Swedish  gover- 
nor. The  ijatroiis,  their  associates  and  their  pos- 
terity, should  enjo-v  and  possess  "for  ever  as  an 
allodial  or  hereditary  property"  all  fisheries, 
woods,  minerals,  .springs  and  other  natural  re- 
sources, as  well  as  "wind  mills  and  other  such  ad- 
vantages and  utilities ' ',  which  were  already  found 
there  or  would  bo  established.  They  were  granted 
the  right  to  found  all  kinds  of  manufactories ;  they 
could  carry  on  commerce,  and,  with  ships  built  in 
New  Sweden,  they  were  at  liberty  to  trade  in  the 
West  Indies,  on  the  coast  of  Africa  and  in  the 
Mediterranean  Sea.  They  were  assured  religious 
liberty,  but  were  admonished  to  avoid  all  strife 
and  unnecessary  disputes.  They  were  under  obli- 
gation to  support  as  many  ministers  of  the  gospel 
and  school  masters  as  the  number  of  inhabitants 
made  necessary,  and  they  should  especially  ap- 
point persons,  who  had  the  conversion  of  the  poor 
pagans  at  heart.  They  were  granted  authority  to 
exercise  "higher  and  lower  justice  in  their  dis- 
trict", to  establish  and  issue  statutes  and  ordi- 
nances, to  appoint  magistrates  and  officers,  and  to 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  THE   NEW  SWEDEN  COMPANY      95 

*'use  the  titles  and  coat-of-arms  of  their  colony" 
on  all  official  documents ;  but  they  were  to  acknow- 
ledge the  jurisdiction  and  sovereignty  of  the 
Swedish  crown  and  of  the  governor  of  New 
Sweden,  and  all  statutes  and  laws  passed  by  them 
were  to  be  approved  by  the  aforesaid  governor. 
They  were  to  be  under  the  protection  of  the  Royal 
Swedish  Government,  but  they  were  to  suffer  no 
encroaclunents  upon  their  liberties  by  the  same; 
they  were  to  pay  a  tax  of  three  florins  a  yesiT  for 
each  family,  as  an  acknowledgment  of  Swedish 
authority,  but  they  were  to  be  free  for  ten  years 
from  duties,  excises  and  all  other  contributions. 
After  the  expiration  of  that  period  a  duty  of  five 
per  cent.,  or  more,  if  necessary,  was  to  be  collected 
on  all  exports  and  imports  for  the  support  of  the 
government  and  the  defense  of  the  colony.  The 
inhabitants  and  their  descendants  were  never  to  be 
pressed  into  military  service,  but  they  were  ex- 
pected to  aid  in  defending  the  settlement  against 
attacks.  Finally  they  were  guaranteed  exemption 
*^from  all  confiscations  of  their  property"  and 
fines,  imposed  for  various  reasons,  were  never  to 
exceed  100  florins  or  40  R.  D.,  but  the  government 
reserved  the  right  to  meet  onfall  kinds  of  punish- 
ments other  than  fines  according  to  the  nature  of 
the  offence. ' ' 

Joost  van  Bogaert,  who  was  hired  to  act  as 
agent  in  the  colony  at  a  yearly  salary  of  500 


96  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

florins,  paid  by  the  Swedish  government,  de- 
parted from  Sweden  in  the  early  spring  of 
1640  to  take  charge  of  the  Utrecht  expedition. 
The  patrons  intended  to  dispatch  ''two  or 
three  ships  with  people,  cattle  and  other  things 
belonging  to  agriculture",  so  as  to  establish 
a  firm  settlement,  which  was  later  to  be 
augmented  by  a  great  number  of  colonists.  But 
difficulties  arose  and  finally  only  one  ship  was 
prepared.  Hollanders  were  at  this  time  prohibited 
by  law  from  entering  the  service  of  foreign  powers 
and  severe  punishment  was  prescribed  for  the 
breaking  of  the  statute.  Consequently  Bogaert 
found  it  impossible  to  execute  his  commission.  But 
Peter  Spiring  readily  obtained  permission  from 
the  States  General  to  equip  a  ship  in  the  Nether- 
lands and  to  hire  Dutch  sailors,  as  the  relations  be- 
tween Denmark  and  Holland  were  becoming 
strained  and  the  States  were  bidding  for  the 
friendship  of  Sweden.  The  Dutch  West  India 
Company,  however,  endeavored  to  frustrate  the 
Utrecht  plan  without  offending  the  Swedish  gov- 
ernment. To  this  effect  a  report  was  circulated 
that  the  garrison  at  Fort  Christina  had  deserted 
for  want  of  sustenance  and  repaired  to  New 
Amsterdam.  Another  rumor  was  floated  that  the 
Kalmar  Nyckel  had  been  captured  by  Turks  on  its 
second  voyage.  The  first  article  of  the  Dutch 
charter,  which  granted  to  the  West  India  Company 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  THE   NEW  SWEDEN  COMPANY      97 

sole  right  of  trade  within  the  limits  of  New  Nether- 
land,  was  also  a  serious  obstacle.  The  Company 
excepted  the  territory  surrounding  Fort  Christina 
out  of  respect  for  Sweden,  but  '^  those,  who  settled 
on  other  places  of  the  South  River  outside  of 
Minquas  Kill,  should  be  treated  as  trespassers  of 
the  Octroy  and  would  not  only  have  their  ships  and 
goods  confiscated,  but  would  also  be  prosecuted." 
Dutch  skippers  were  therefore  unwilling  to  let 
their  ship  for  fear  of  confiscation. 

In  spite  of  all  interference,  however,  a  ship 
carrying  twenty-five  cannon  and  fifty  colonists  was 
ready  to  lift  anchor  on  July  28, 1640.  The  date  of 
sailing  is  uncertain  and  the  circumstances  of  the 
voyage  across  the  ocean  are  unknown,  but  the  ship 
reached  Christina  on  November  2.  She  left  the 
colony  a  month  later  with  a  cargo  of  skins,  the 
property  of  the  New  Sweden  company.  The  skins 
were  sold  in  Amsterdam  for  5,360  florins.* 

VI. 

Meanwhile  activities  had  been  in  progress  for  a 
new  voyage  from  Sweden,  and  a  cargo  (again 
bought  in  Holland)  had  been  stored  at  Gothenburg. 
Fleming  once  more  planned  to  fit  out  a  large 
expedition,  and  the  government  hoped  that  ''New 
Sweden  would  in  time  redound  to  the  benefit  and 
honor  of  the  Swedish  Crown  and  to  the  prosperity 

(*)     Cp.  also  p.  109ff.,  below, 


98  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

and  improvement  of  its  citizens."  Governor 
Hindrickson,  who  had  aided  former  expeditions, 
was  instructed  through  letter  to  "collect  people 
with  wives  and  children,  cattle  and  horses,  and  all 
other  goods,  and  prevail  upon  them  to  go  to"  the 
colony.  A  great  many  Finns  had  for  half  a  cen- 
tury or  more  migrated  to  northern  Sweden,  where 
they  lived  a  vagrant,  unsettled  life  by  hunting,  fish- 
ing and  destroying  the  forests.  As  their  numbers 
increased  complaints  against  them  became  fre- 
quent, and  their  removal  from  the  country  was 
often  demanded.  Since  voluntary  emigrants  failed 
to  appear  it  was  decided  that  some  of  these  vagrant 
Finns,  who  could  not  be  entrusted  with  unculti- 
vated farms,  should  be  compelled  to  settle  at  Fort 
Christina.  But  even  these  efforts  proved  insuf- 
ficient and  it  became  necessary  to  order  Mans 
Kling,  who  knew  ''what  a  splendid  and  productive 
country  New  Sweden  was",  on  two  different  oc- 
casions ''to  collect  and  hire  a  multitude  of  roving 
people,  that  nowhere  have  a  steady  residence  and 
dwelling."  Johan  Printz,  later  governor  of  the 
colony,  was  likewise  asked  to  look  for  skilled  work- 
men and  young  people,  willing  to  go  to  America, 
and  at  least  one  colonist,  the  bookkeeper  Karl 
Jansson,  came  through  him. 

The  colonists  of  northern  and  central  Sweden 
assembled  at  Stockholm,  where  the  ship  Charitas 
was  being  prepared  for  the  voyage.     The  Charitas 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  THE   NEW  SWEDEN  COMPANY      99 

left  the  capital  on  May  3,  1G41,  en  route  for  Goth- 
enburg with  thirty-five  souls  on  board,  and  she 
cast  anchor  near  Elfsborg  about  the  beginning  of 
June.  Here  the  trusty  Kalmar  Nyckel,  the  second 
ship  of  the  fourth  expedition,  was  being  put  in  a 
seafaring  condition. 

It  seems  probable  that  the  Kalnid  r  NycJcel  carried 
the  majority  of  the  settlers,  while  the  horses, 
goats,  cattle,  sheep  and  the  farming  implements 
were  stowed  in  the  Charitas.  The  majority  of  the 
sailors  and  soldiers  on  the  vessels  were  Swedes, 
but  the  officers  with  one  or  two  exceptions  were 
Dutchmen,  and  there  was  a  sailor  boy  from  Dublin 
among  the  messmates.  The  expedition  went  to 
sea  in  July,  touching  at  Holland  and  France,  and 
on  August  19  the  colonists  said  farewell  to  the 
shores  of  Europe.  The  voyage  was  a  stormy  one. 
Two  of  the  emigrants  and  some  cattle  died,  and 
when  the  vessels  arrived  at  Fort  Christina, 
November  7,  '4he  remaining  people  were  very 
weak  and  powerless." 

Huygen  tried  his  best  to  buy  a  cargo  for  the 
ships,  but  the  fur  trade  had  been  ruined  by  the 
English,  aud  only  a  small  quantity  of  tobacco  could 
be  obtaiued.  The  ships  returned  to  Sweden  about 
November  29,  1641,  by  way  of  Eochelle,  France. 
After  loading  a  quantity  of  salt  into  the  ships  at 
Rochelle  the  captains  sailed  for  Holland.  As  usual 
provisions  were  almost  exhausted,  and  the  men 


lOO  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

and  officers  chimorcd  for  pay.-  Money  was  sup- 
plied through  Spiring,  and  assistance  was  given  by 
Blommaert  and  Trotzig,  enabling  the  vessels  to 
proceed  to  Sweden.  They  ran  into  Gothenburg 
about  April  15,  and  arrived  at  Stockholm  in  the 
early  part  of  June,  1642. 

Aliout  this  time  all  reference  to  Samuel  Blom- 
maert in  connection  with  the  company  ceases,  and 
in  the  autumn  he  severed  his  relations  with  the 
Swedish  government,  for  on  October  7,  1642,  the 
minutes  of  the  council  say  that  Blommaert 's 
salary  could  be  used  for  the  paying  of  two  new 
commissaries,  ''since  he  now  withdraws  from  the 
service." 

VII. 

The  trade  of  the  company  in  Europe  was  not  an 
entire  success.  The  first  cargoes  of  skins  were 
sold  in  Holland  at  a  good  price,  but  the  peltry 
trade  in  Sweden  was  not  remunerative.  The 
tobacco  trade,  however,  soon  assumed  great  pro- 
portions. A  storehouse  was  rented,  where  tobacco 
and  skins  were  stocked  under  the  charge  of  Bon- 
nell,  who  began  his  work  as  factor  shortly  after  his 
appointment.  In  spite  of  prohibitions  and  ordi- 
nances smuggling  and  illegal  trade  was  conducted 
on  a  large  scale.  Yet  the  company's  tobacco  trade 
went  so  well  that  several  ship  loads  were  imported 
from  Holland,  qnd  the  profits  amounted  to  over 


THE  POUNDING  OF  THE  NEW  SWEDEN  COMPANY  loi 

14,000  D.  Tlio  heavy  expenses  of  the  expeditious, 
however,  not  only  wiped  out  these  earnings,  but 
even  left  a  deficit  of  over  32,000  D.,  and  when  the 
Charitas  and  the  Kalmar  Nyckel  returned  from 
New  Sweden  in  June,  1642,  the  conii)any  was 
obliged  to  borrow  3,000  li.  D.  for  immediate  ex- 
penses. 

"VVe  have  come  to  the  end  of  the  first  period  of 
the  company's  life.  It  is  now  in  place  to  see  what 
was  done  on  the  Delaware,  and  how  the  colony 
planted  there  grew  and  developed. 


The  research  room  in  the  Royal  Achives,  showing  some  of  the  volumes  relating 
to  New  Sweden,  preserved  in  the  Royal  Archives  and  in  the  Archives  of  the 
Exchequer  (The  Kammararkiv),  Stockholm. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

The  Founding  and  First  Period  of  the  Colony, 
1638-1643. 


It  is  not  now  possible  to  say,  who  was  the  first 
European  to  visit  the  Delaware.  Perhaps  the 
Irish  or  Scotch  saw  its  waters  in  the  early  cen- 
turies of  our  era,  if  the  legends  of  their  American 
voyages  be  true.  Perhaps  some  bold  Viking  in 
the  eleventh  century  ventured  as  far  south  along 
the  New  England  coast  as  the  39th  degree,  when 
the  Norsemen  planted  colonies  on  this  continent, 
and,  according  to  tradition,  established  churches 
here.  Possibly  some  lonely  Frenchman  or  Portu- 
guese driven  out  of  his  course  by  accident  touched 
the  lordly  Delaware,  years  before  Columbus  set 
sail  from  Cadiz ;  or  it  may  be  that  some  Norman, 
Briton  or  Basque,  coasting  along  the  North 
American  continent  on  his  way  to  the  cod- 
fisheries  of  Newfoundland,  saw  the  famous  river, 
long  before  Hudson  made  his  memorable  voyage. 
Cabot,  might  have  passed  within  sight  of  Cape 
Henlopen  in  1497;  that  Verrazzano  sailed  by  the 

103 


I04  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

Delaware  in  1524:  is  quite  certain.  It  has  been 
stated  ' '  that  the  coast  of  New  York  and  the  neigh- 
boring districts"  were  known  to  the  Spaniards 
almost  a  century  before  Hudson  came  here. 
Estevan  Gomes  ''is  said  to  have  visited  the  coun- 
try at  latitudes  40  and  41  degrees  north"  in  1525, 
and  a  year  later  Lucas  Vasquez  de  Aillon  and 
Matienzo  made  landings,  and  explored  the  country 
south  and  east  of  New  York.  De  Costa  thinks 
that  the  French  visited  New  York  harbor  prior  to 
1562,  and  it  has  been  claimed  that  they  had  a  fort 
on  Castle  Island  within  the  present  limits  of 
Albany.  Is  it  not,  therefore,  reasonable  to  think 
that  they  may  have  visited  the  Delaware?  Brad- 
ford wrote  in  1627  that  the  Dutch  traded  on  the 
Hudson  "this  six  or  seven  and  twenty  years."  If 
so,  may  we  not  suppose  that  some  Dutch  skipper 
eager  for  gain  would  search  for  new  fields  of  traffic 
with  the  natives,  and  on  his  way  southward  find 
the  ''mighty  river"?  All  this  merely  goes  to 
show,  how  utterly  impossible  it  is  to  determine, 
who  was  really  the  first  European  to  get  a  glimpse 
of  the  river,  where  Dutch,  Swedes  and  English 
were  later  to  contend  for  the  mastery. 

In  1609  we  tread  on  firm  and  historic  ground. 
Henry  Hudson,  an  Englishman  of  London,  under- 
took to  discover  a  short  route  to  Asia  by  the  north 
for  the  Dutch  East  India  Company.  On  Saturday, 
March  25,  1609,  he  set  sail  in  the  Half  Moon^ 


FOUNDING  AND  FIRST  PERIOD  OF  THE  COLONY      105 

Eobert  Jewitt  being  second  mate;  and  on  August 
28,  at  seven  in  the  evening,  he  "anchored  in  eight 
fathoms  of  water"  in  Delaware  Bay,  "weighing 
at  the  break  of  day"  the  next  morning.  Return- 
ing to  Europe  in  October,  he  arrived  at  Dartmouth 
in  November,  whence  he  sent  a  report  to  the  Dutch 
East  India  Company. 

This  report  kindled  the  interest  of  Dutch  mer- 
chants, and  several  exjDeditions  were  sent  to  the 
laud  visited  by  Hudson.  The  English  were  also 
navigating  these  waters,  and  in  August,  1610,  Cap- 
tain Samuel  Argall  anchored  in  the  Delaware, 
naming  the  South  point  of  the  bay  "Cape  de  la 
Ware."  About  this  time  the  English  of  Virginia 
began  to  call  the  mouth  of  the  river  Delaware  Bay 
in  honor  of  their  governor, — a  name  which  was 
soon  applied  to  the  entire  river. 

In  the  spring  of  1616  Cornells  Hendricksen  was 
sent  from  New  Amsterdam  (the  Dutch  trading 
post  at  present  New  York)  in  the  Onrust  (Rest- 
lessness) to  explore  the  coast  southward.  He  dis- 
covered "certain  lands,  a  bay  (the  Delaware)  and 
three  rivers ' ',  making  it  probable  that  he  ascended 
to  the  mouth  of  the  Schuylkill  or  at  least  to  the 
Minquas  Kill.  On  his  return  to  Holland  in  the 
same  year  he  presented  a  report  and  a  figurative 
map,  the  first  of  the  Delaware  known  to  exist.  The 
river  was  soon  called  the  South  River  by  the  Dutch 
to  distinguish  it  from  the  North  River  or  the 


lo6  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE   DELAWARE 

Hudson.  In  1620  Cornells  May  of  Hoorn  sailed 
up  the  Delaware,  where  he  discovered  "some  new 
and  fruitful  lands,"  and  after  him  the  Dutch  called 
the  mouth  of  the  river  Neiv  Port  May, 

The  jesLY  1621  is  an  eventful  one  in  the  history 
of  the  Delaware  country.  The  Dutch  West  India 
Company,  organized  by  Willem  Usselinx,  was 
chartered  in  June,  and  from  now  on  trading  expe- 
ditions were  sent  at  intervals  direct  to  the  South 
River. 

In  1623  Captain  May  of  Hoorn  erected  Fort 
Nassau  on  the  east  side  of  the  river  a  little  below 
present  Camden  to  protect  the  beaver  traffic  and 
to  keep  out  traders,  who  had  no  permit  from  the 
West  India  Company.  In  a  few  years,  however, 
the  stronghold  was  deserted.  In  1631  Samuel 
Blommaert  in  company  with  others,  having  pur- 
chased certain  tracts  from  the  natives,  planted  a 
colony  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Horn  Kill ;  but  all 
the  settlers,  except  one  man,  were  killed  by  the 
Indians,  shortly  after  their  arrival,  and  in  1635  the 
title  was  sold  to  the  Dutch  West  India  Company. 

English  and  French  vessels  likewise  visited  the 
river  for  barter  with  the  natives.  Two  different 
royal  grants  given  to  Englishmen  included  the 
Delaware  and  attempts  at  settlements  seem  to  have 
been  made  by  the  English.  It  has  also  been  said 
that  King  Charles  I  transferred  his  interests  in 
this  territory  to  Sweden  about  1634. 


FOUNDING  AND  FIRST  PERIOD  OF   THE  COLONY      107 

In  the  summer  of  1633  Fort  Nassau  was  re- 
occupied  by  the  Dutch.  A  house  was  built  and 
other  improvements  were  made.  About  this  time 
the  new  commissioner  Arent  Corsen  purchased  a 
tract  of  land  on  the  Schuylkill  from  several  Indian 
chiefs,  and  seems  to  have  erected  a  blockhouse  at 
a  place  convenient  for  the  beavor  trade.  But  the 
fort  was  soon  deserted  for  the  fourth  time.  In 
1636  or  1637,  however,  a  new  garrison  of  about 
twenty  men  was  stationed  there  with  Jan  Jansen 
as  commissioner  and  Peter  Mey  as  assistant,  and 
this  force  was  maintained  when  the  Swedes  ar- 
rived in  the  spring  of  1638. 

IT. 

About  the  fifteenth  of  March  the  two  little  ships 
of  the  Swedes,  the  Kalmar  Nyckel  and  the  Fogel 
Grip,  appeared  in  the  bay.  "Nature  was  sleep- 
ing", the  trees  were  bare,  and  the  loveliness  which 
summer  imparts  to  the  Delaware  shores  was 
absent;  but,  if  the  legend  be  true,  the  beauty  of 
the  region  in  spite  of  its  disadvantages  impressed 
the  pioneers,  who  landed  at  a  particularly  charm- 
ing spot,  which  they  called  the  Paradise  Point. 
From  there  the  shii)s  undoubtedly  proceeded  with 
the  first  favorable  wind. 

Arriving  at  the  mouth  of  the  Minquas  Kill, 
Minuit  turned  westward  into  this  stream.  He 
sailed  up  as  far  as  present  Wilmington,  casting 


loS  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

anchor  before  "a  wharf  of  stones,"  where  the 
fortress  was  later  built.  Indians  had  pitched 
their  wigwams  there,  and  it  was  particularly  suit- 
able for  a  landing  place.  The  Swedish  salute  of 
two  guns  was  given,  and  Peter  Minuit,  went 
ashore  with  some  of  his  men.  Thereupon  the 
director  accompanied  by  Sandelin,  Lucassen, 
]\Ians  Kling  and  some  soldiers,  made  a  journey  up 
the  Minquas  Kill  for  several  miles  in  the  sloop  to 
reconnoitre  and  to  establish  connections  with  the 
Indians.  He  also  went  some  distance  on  foot  into 
the  woods  with  his  followers,  but  "saw  no  sign  of 
Christian  people."  Soon  after  Minuit 's  return 
to  the  ships  several  Indian  chiefs,  probably  with  a 
large  following,,  appeared,  attracted  by  the  re- 
ports of  the  Swedish  cannon.  A  conference  about 
the  sale  of  land  was  immediately  arranged.  Small 
gifts  were  distributed  to  the  chiefs,  and  they 
"were  asked  if  they  were  willing  to  sell  the 
[Minquas]  Eiver  and  as  many  day's  journey  of 
the  land  lying  about  it  as  would  be  requested.  This 
the  chiefs  agreed  to  with  the  common  consent  of 
the  different  Indian  Nations."  On  the  twenty- 
ninth  of  March,  1G3S,  five  sachems,  Mattahorn, 
Mitatsimint,  Erupacken  (probably  the  same  as 
Elupackcn),  Mahomeu  and  Chiton,  "appointed  by 
the  whole  assembly",  were  invited  into  Minuit 's 
cabin  on  the  Kalmar  Nyclcel,  where  they  sold  as 
much  "of  the  land  in  all  parts  and  places  of  the 


Landing-place  of  the  Swedes,  showing  the  "wharf  of  stones,"  also  the 
stone  in  the  back-ground  erected  by  the  Delaware  Society  of  Colonial  Dames- 
of  America  to  mark  the  location  of  Fort  Christina.  The  above  picture  was 
taken  by  the  author  in  February,  1910. 


FOUNDING  AND  FIRST  PERIOD  OF  THE  COLONY      109 

rivor,  up  the  river  and  on  both  sides,  as  Minuit 
desired."  Deeds  were  prepared  in  Dutch  and 
their  contents  were  explained  to  the  Indians  by 
Andreas  Lucassen,  the  interpreter,  "For  value 
received  in  merchandise  the  Indians  ceded  and 
transferred  the  title  of  the  land  with  all  its  juris- 
dictions and  rights  to  the  JSwedish  Florida  Com- 
pany under  the  jjrotection  of  the  great  Princess, 
Virgin  and  Elected  Queen  of  the  Swedes,  Goths 
and  Wends. ' '  When  the  Indian  chiefs  had  traced 
their  totem  marks  on  the  documents,  and  Peter 
Minuit,  Mans  Kling,  Henrick  Huygen,  Andreas 
Lucassen  and  Jacob  Evertssen  Sandelin  had 
signed  their  names  below,  the  merchandise  speci- 
tied  in  the  contracts  was  distributed  among  the 
Indians,  who  in  turn,  to  legalize  the  sale,  pre- 
sented beaver  skins  and  sewant  to  the  Swedes. 
The  deeds  are  now  lost,  but  the  extent  of  the  pur- 
chase can  be  ascertained  from  other  documents. 
Mitasimint  sold  his  lands  lying  west  of  the  Dela- 
ware below  the  Minquas  Kill  southward  to 
Bomtien's  Point  or  Duck  Creek,  a  distance  of 
about  forty  miles ;  and  the  other  chiefs  sold  their 
hunting  grounds  above  the  Minquas  Kill  to  the 
Schuylkill,  a  distance  of  about  twenty-seven  miles. 
In  each  case  the  purchase  stretched  westward  in- 
definitelj^  Minuit  had  also  been  instructed  to  buy 
the  land  as  far  up  as  Trenton  Falls,  but  for  some 
reason  he  neglected  to  do  so. 


iro  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE   DELAWARE 

When  the  purchase  had  been  concluded  the 
sachems  with  Minuit  and  his  soldiers  and  officers 
went  ashore.  The  coat-of-arms  of  Sweden  was 
then  raised  on  a  pole  "and  with  the  report  of 
cannon  followed  by  other  solemn  ceremonies  the 
land  was  called  New  Sweden",  while  Minquas  Kill 
was  christened  the  Elbe.  Minuit  undoubtedly  ar- 
ranged another  conference  with  the  chiefs  before 
their  departure,  and  won  their  goodwill  by  dis- 
tributing additional  gifts. 

As  soon  as  a  site  for  a  stronghold  had  been 
selected  the  director  set  his  men  to  work,  pre- 
joaring  timber  and  other  materials.  The  fort  was 
l)uilt  on  a  cape  about  two  miles  from  the  mouth 
of  the  creek,  where  nature  provided  an  excellent 
wharf,  and  it  was  particularly  well  situated  for 
defence  against  the  Indians,  It  was  surrounded 
])y  marshy  ground  except  on  the  north-west  side, 
where  it  could  be  approached  by  a  narrow  strip  of 
land.  On  the  south  flowed  the  river,  (where  a 
bridge  was  ])uilt  for  the  convenience  of  passengers 
and  freight)  and  ships  could  be  moored  within  a 
few  steps  of  the  walls.  The  stronghold  was  built 
in  the  form  of  a  square  with  sharp,  arrow-head- 
like  corners,  three  of  which  were  mounted  with 
artillery;  and  it  was  considered  able  to  withstand 
Hie  attack  of  a  large  number  of  Indians.  Since  it 
was  two  miles  from  the  banks  of  the  Delaware,  the 
fortress  was  unable  to  command  that  river,  and 


:5   ao 


^  '3. 


|i'iiiiiiPi|iiiiii!iiiiiii|ijiiii:;^i'i!!l!iiii:!i|l||; 


ilU^^^^ 


^  a 


=:   5  cs 


FOUNDING  AND  FIRST  PERIOD  OF  THE  COLONY      1 1  I 

Minuit  seems  to  have  selected  this  spot  to  avoid  a 
collision  with  the  Dutch  as  much  as  possible,  until 
the  colonj^  could  assert  its  authority. 

About  May  10  the  ramparts,  which  were  con- 
structed of  palisades  and  earth,  were  completed. 
Guns  were  taken  from  the  Kalmar  Nyckel  and 
mounted  on  the  walls;  the  Swedish  banner  was 
raised  on  the  flagpole,  and  ''with  the  report  of 
cannon  the  fort  was  named  Christina."  Two 
houses  were  erected  inside  the  palisades,  one  of 
which  was  probably  used  for  a  dwelling  house, 
the  other  for  a  magazine  or  store  house.  They 
were  built  of  unhewn  logs,  and  the  dwelling  house 
had  loopholes  and  probably  two  or  more  little 
windows.  The  roof  was  gabled  and  most  likely 
covered  with  small  timbers  split  in  two.  In  the 
corner  of  the  dwelling  a  fireplace  was  made  of 
bricks  brought  over  on  the  ships.  Rough  benches, 
chairs  and  tables  were  constructed  from  split 
timber,  and  it  is  likely  that  beds  of  some  sort  were 
made. 

The  Swedes  came  in  contact  with  the  Dutch 
shortly  after  their  arrival.  In  the  beginning  of 
April  Minuit  sent  his  sloop  up  the  river  to  ex- 
amine the  position  and  strength  of  the  Hollanders, 
and  to  establish  relations  with  the  Indians  north 
of  the  Schuylkill.  The  sloop  sailed  above  Fort 
Nassau  unobserved,  but  on  its  way  back  to 
Christina  it  was  discovered  by  the  greatly  sur- 


lii  'THE  SWEDEN  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

prised  Dutch  commander,  who  at-  once  set  about 
to  ascertain  the  identity  and  business  of  the  new- 
comers. Shortly  afterwards  Minuit  himself  at- 
tempted to  pass  the  Dutch  stronghold;  but  the 
garrison  was  now  on  the  alert  and  "Peter  May 
sailed  down"  to  meet  him.  May  demanded  to 
know  the  reasons  for  his  presence  in  the  river,  and 
wished  to  see  his  commission,  warning  him  not  to 
pass  the  fort.  Minuit  refused  to  exhibit  his 
papers,  "saying  that  his  Queen  had  as  much  right 
there  as  the  company",  and  desired  to  proceed  on 
his  journey.  He  was  compelled  to  return  to  his 
camp,  however,  and  he  probably  made  no  further 
attempts  to  go  above  Fort  Nassau. 

Peter  May  reported  the  occurrence  to  Governor 
Kieft  and,  when  Jan  Jansen,  who  had  been  absent 
at  New  Amsterdam  for  some  time  arrived  at  the 
South  River  about  the  middle  of  April,  he  im- 
mediately protested  in  writing  against  the  Swe- 
dish occupation.  Minuit  replied  to  the  protest, 
styling  himself  "Commander  in  the  service  of  Her 
Royal  Majesty  of  Sweden",  and  paid  no  heed  to 
Jansen 's  warnings.  AVhen  Governor  Kieft  was 
informed  that  the  words  of  his  commissary  had 
no  effect,  he  drew  up  a  protest  himself  "against 
Hie  handing  and  settling  of  the  Swedes  on  the 
l>elaware. "  He  reminded  "Peter  Minuit  that  the 
'\vhole  South  River  of  New  Netherland  had  ])een 
iiKUiy  years   in  their  possession  and  secured  by 


An  Indian  family  according  to  Lindesti 
Strom's  Geographia  Ainericae.  (Preserved 
Stockholm.) 


>m.     From   Linde- 
in  the  Rilsarkiv, 


FOUNDING  AND  FIRST  PERIOD  OF  THE  COLONY      113 

them  above  aud  below  by  forts  and  sealed  with 
their  blood",  and  informed  him  that  the  Dutch 
would  not  suifer  him  to  intrude  between  their 
forts  and  that  "the  blame  for  all  future  mishaps, 
damages,  losses,  disturbances  and  bloodshed", 
which  might  arise  as  a  consequence  of  his  actions, 
would  fall  upon  him.  The  protest  was  read  be- 
fore Minuit,  but  he  made  no  reply  to  it,  and  con- 
tinued his  work  as  before. 

As  soon  as  circumstances  allowed  Minuit  made 
provisions  for  selling  his  cargo.  The  Grip  was 
dispatched  to  Jamestown  in  Virginia  to  exchange 
her  merchandise  for  tobacco,  but  the  captain  was 
denied  freedom  of  trade.  The  vessel  remained  in 
the  harbor  ''about  ten  days  to  refresh  with  wood 
and  water."  She  returned  to  Fort  Christina  in 
the  beginning  of  May,  unloaded  her  cargo  and 
spread  sails  again  on  the  twentieth  to  prey  on 
Spanish  commerce.  The  commander  also  en- 
deavored to  begin  trade  with  the  savages,  and  soon 
succeeded  in  establishing  connections  with  the 
River  Indians  as  well  as  the  Minquas. 

The  Indians  with  whom  the  Dutch  and  Swedes 
came  in  contact  belonged  to  two  large  families, 
the  Algonquian  and  the  Iroquoian.  The  Algon- 
quian  tribes  were  spread  over  a  very  large  area. 
They  occupied  the  eastern  coast  of  North  America 
from  Newfoundland  and  Nova  Scotia  to  the  35th 
degree  in  Carolina,  stretching  westward  to  the 


114  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE   DELAWARE 

Pacific  coast  and  northward  to  the  Hudson  Bay, 
excei^t  a  wedge-like  territory  along  the  St.  Law- 
rence river,  Lake  Ontario,  Lake  Erie  and  parts 
of  Pennsylvania,  New  York,  Ohio  and  Maryland, 
which  were  inhabited  by  tribes  of  the  Iroquoian 
family. 

The  Indians  of  the  Delaware  basin,  New  Jersey, 
Delaware  and  districts  of  New  York  and  Pennsyl- 
vania formed  the  most  important  confederacy  of 
the  Algonquian  stock.  They  called  themselves 
Lenape  or  Leni-Lenape  which  means  real  men. 
''The  Lenape  or  Delawares  proper",  who  in- 
habited New  Sweden,  were  divided  into  three 
tribes,  the  Minsi  or  Munsee,  the  Unami  and  the 
Unalachtigos.  The  Swedes,  who  called  them 
''Renappe"  (Lenape),  "the  River  Indians"  and 
''Our  Indians,"  bought  most  of  their  lands  from 
them.  They  supplied  large  quantities  of  maize, 
fish  and  venison  to  the  settlers,  but  their  beaver 
and  sewant  traffic  was  small,  "since  they  were 
poor  and  had  nothing  but  corn  to  sell." 

About  seventy-five  miles  west  and  north  from 
the  Swedish  settlements,  tribes  of  the  Iroquoian 
stock  had  their  villages  and  forts.  The  Delawares 
called  them  Mingwe,  which  means  treacherous, 
and  this  name  was  adopted  by  the  Dutch,  who  ap- 
plied it  distinctively  to  the  south-eastern  Iro- 
(juoian  tribes,  with  whom  they  came  in  contact  on 
their  first  trading  expeditions  to  the  South  River. 


Delaware  Indian  woman  of  to-day  in  costume.  Photograph- 
ed at  Bartlesville,  Oklahoma.  Cut  used  through  the  courtesy  o£ 
Dr.  Gordon  of  the  University  Museum. 


FOUNDING  AND  FIRST  PERIOD  OF  THE  COLONY      115 

The  Swedes  recognized  two  divisions,  the  Black 
and  the  AVliite  Minqiias.  The  White  Minquas 
were  the  same  as  the  Siisquehannas,  who  came 
down  to  the  Delaware  along  the  Minquas  Kill 
(hence  the  name)  to  trade  with  the  Dutch,  Swedes 
and  English.  They  had  been  greatly  reduced  in 
strength  through  wars  with  the  five  nations  and 
with  the  Delawares,  but  they  seem  to  have  been  in 
allegiance  or  at  least  on  friendly  terms  with  the 
Indians  of  New  Sweden  in  1638-1655. 

The  Black  Minquas  (so  called  "because  they 
carried  a  black  badge  on  their  breast")  seem  to 
have  been  the  Conastogas  of  western  Pennsyl- 
vania and  the  Eries  west  of  the  Ohio  River,  who 
came  down  the  Schuylkill  as  far  as  the  Delaware 
to  trade. 

In  his  description  of  the  Indians  Campanius 
Holm,  largely  using  Lindestrom,  says  that  the 
Minquas  lived  ''twelve  miles  [80  English  miles] 
from  New  Sweden  and  they  were  daily  with  the 
Swedes  bargaining.  The  way  to  their  country 
was  bad  and  stony,  full  of  sharp  granite  rocks 
among  morasses,  hilly  and  at  some  places  crossed 
by  streams,  so  that  the  Swedes  had  to  walk  and 
march  in  water  up  to  their  arm-pits,  when  they 
had  to  go  there  (which  generally  happened  once 
or  twice  a  year)  with  frieze,  kettles,  axes,  hoes, 
knives,  mirrors  and  corals  to  exchange  for  beavers 
and  other  valuable  peltries.     They  lived  on  a  high 


Il6  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

mountain  which  was  hard  to  climb.  They  were 
strong  and  hardy,  both  young  and  old,  a  tall  and 
brave  people."  This  description  seems  to  refer 
particularly  to  the  White  Minquas. 

When  the  Swedes  and  Dutch  spoke  of  "the 
Minquas  Country"  they  referred  to  a  district 
inland,  north  and  west  of  New  Sweden,  about  50 
to  150  miles.  Trading  expeditions  by  both  Swedes 
and  Dutch  were  made  into  this  country,  often 
more  than  150  miles  from  the  settlement.  The 
Minquas  supplied  most  of  the  beaver  skins,  and 
they  always  called  themselves  the  "special  friends 
and  i^rotectors  of  the  Swedes." 

Bands  of  these  different  Indian  tribes  came  to 
barter  with  the  Swedes  in  April  and  May,  and  the 
Dutch  governor  complained  that  Minuit  monopo- 
lized the  trade  and  "attracted  all  the  peltries  to 
himself  by  means  of  liberal  gifts. ' ' 

The  country  was  not  an  entire  wiklerness,  when 
the  Swedes  arrived.  The  Delaware  Indians,  being 
largely  agricultural,  had  cleared  big  tracts  near 
their  villages  on  which  they  planted  corn.  In 
1654  Lindestrom  wrote  that  the  savages  had  culti- 
vated their  corn  fields  at  Trenton  Falls  until  the 
soil  was  too  poor  to  yield  good  crops.  Quantities 
of  corn  were  also  planted  by  the  natives  near  the 
Schuylkill,  at  the  Horn  Kill  and  other  places. 
The  settlors  ndo])ted  many  practices  from  the  sav- 
ages; and  Indian  corn  often  proved  a  valuable 


FOUNDING  AND  FIRST  PERIOD  OF  THE  COLONY       117 

article  for  the  sustenance  of  the  colonists,  who 
early  learnt  to  cultivate  and  use  it. 

''Two  barrels  of  wheat  and  two  barrels  of  seed 
corn"  and  perhaps  other  grains  had  been  taken 
over  on  the  ships,  and  when  the  proper  time  came 
plots  of  ground  were  prepared  around  the  fort 
and  on  the  mainland,  which  were  sown  and  planted 
with  Indian  corn. 

When  the  storehouse  was  ready,  provisions 
were  taken  from  the  ships  and  quantities  of  fish, 
deer,  turkeys,  geese  ' '  and  all  sorts  of  suchlike  pro- 
visions" were  laid  up.  Mans  Kling  was  given 
command  of  the  fort  with  its  garrison  of  twenty- 
three  men,  and  Henrick  Huygen  was  left  in  charge 
of  the  merchandise  and  provisions. 

When  Minuit  had  provided  for  the  maintenance 
and  safety  of  the  garrison  and  the  fort,  he  began 
to  prepare  for  his  return  voyage.  He  made  a  map 
of  the  river  and  sketches  of  the  fort,  and  drafted 
a  report  to  the  government.  In  due  time  the 
skins  purchased  from  the  Indians  and  the  cargo 
intended  for  the  tobacco  trade  were  loaded  into 
the  Kalmar  Nyckel,  and  about  June  15  the  director 
left  his  little  settlement.  Huygen  continued  the 
Indian  trade  after  Minuit 's  departure,  and  ex- 
changed a  large  number  of  skins  and  a  quantity  of 
corn  for  merchandise  and  sewant  in  the  autumn 
and  spring  of  1638  and  1639.  At  this  time  Eng- 
lish and  Dutch  merchants  from  the  north  began  to 


Tl8  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

trade  with  the  Swedes.  They  offered  all  kinds  of 
supplies  to  the  settlers,  but  always  asked  very 
high  prices.  Commercial  relations  were  also  es- 
tablished with  the  English  of  Virginia  and  Mary- 
land. 

During  the  late  spring  and  early  summer  the 
Grip  cruised  about  in  West  Indian  waters,  search- 
ing Spanish  prizes.  In  June  the  ship  was  at  St. 
Christopher,  sometime  later  ''she  spied  the  Span- 
ish silver  fleet  together  with  one  Peter  van  Brug- 
gen",  and  went  to  inform  Admiral  Jol  about  it 
(while  Van  Bruggen  watched  the  course  of  the 
Spaniards).  Later  she  went  to  Havana  and  from 
there  to  the  South  River,  arriving  at  Fort  Chris- 
tina early  in  1639.  Nothing  more  is  known  about 
this  expedition.  Years  afterwards  the  skipper 
was  accused  of  reaping  all  the  benefits  from  the 
cruise,  and  a  negro  slave  seems  to  have  been  the 
only  addition  it  made  to  the  colony's  wealth.  On 
April  10  the  Grip  was  ready  to  set  out  for  Europe 
with  its  cargo  of  furs,  but  contraiy  winds  delayed 
the  departure  until  the  end  of  the  month. 

The  colon}'-  was  then  left  to  itself,  awaiting  sup- 
plies and  reinforcements.  The  traffic  with  the 
Indians  continued,  and  Governor  Kieft  reported  to 
his  superiors  that  the  Dutch  trade  had  ''fallen 
short  full  thirty  thousand  [florins],  because  the 
Swedes,  by  underselling,  depressed  the  market." 


FOUNDING  AND  FIRST  PERIOD  OF  THE  COLONY      119 

A  new  ship  was  expected  towards  the  end  of  1639, 
but  the  little  garrison  waited  in  vain. 

The  friendly  relations  with  the  Indians  were 
maintained,  and  it  seems  that  the  autumn  of  1640 
passed  without  disturbance.  Governor  Kieft  had 
no  orders  to  oppose  the  Swedes  and  his  forces  on 
the  South  River  were  inadequate;  but  he  tried  to 
persuade  them  to  abandon  their  stronghold  and 
leave  the  country.  According  to  his  own  words  he 
was  successful,  and  *Hhe  Swedes  were  resolved  to 
move  off"  and  go  to  Manhattan;  but  "on  the  day 
before  their  departure  a  ship  arrived  with  rein- 
forcements." About  a  year  elapsed  after  the  sail- 
ing of  the  Gri27  and  nearly  two  after  Minuit's  de- 
parture, before  the  next  ship  came  from  Sweden, 
and  the  colonists  had  some  cause  for  alarm;  but 
it  is  hardly  probable  that  they  decided  to  remove 
from  the  settlement  and  repair  to  New  Amster- 
dam. So  important  a  fact  would  have  been  men- 
tioned by  Ridder  or  Van  Dyck  in  their  letters  to 
the  Chancellor  and  the  Vice-Admiral.  At  any 
rate,  when  the  second  expedition  arrived  at  Fort 
Christina  on  April  17,  1640,  Peter  Ridder,  the  new 
commander,  found  the  colony  well  preserved.  The 
ship  brought  new  settlers,  a  few  domestic  ani- 
mals, large  supplies  for  the  people  and  the  Indian 
trade,  additional  soldiers,  new  officers  and  a  min- 
ister of  the  gospel.  Mans  Kling  surrendered  his 
command  to  Peter  Ridder;  and  Henrick  Huygen 


120  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

prepared  an  inventory  of  the  goods  in  the  fort, 
and  delivered  the  keys  of  the  storehouse  and  the 
books  into  the  keeping  of  Joost  van  Langdonk. 

III. 

Shortly  after  his  landing,  Bidder  inspected  the 
country  for  several  miles  around  the  fort.  In  his 
opinion  it  was  well  suited  for  cattle-raising  and 
farming;  but  the  seed  had  spoiled  on  the  journey, 
and  little  new  ground  could  be  planted  or  sown, 
before  other  supplies  were  received.  The  fort 
was  in  poor  condition,  the  walls  being  ready  "to 
fall  down  in  three  places";  but  the  skipper  for- 
bade him  to  make  any  extensive  repairs,  and  he 
had  no  orders  from  Sweden  to  do  so.  He  mended 
the  cracks  and  improved  the  parapets,  however, 
wherever  necessary,  reporting  that  "on  the  land 
side  the  wall  ought  to  be  lengthened  and  on  the 
water  edge  it  should  be  raised."  Moreover  sup- 
plies of  cannon,  powder  and  bullets  were  wanted 
for  the  proper  defence  of  the  fort.  As  the  strong- 
hold was  located  too  far  from  the  Delaware  to  be 
of  much  service,  he  recommended  that  a  new  one 
1)e  built  near  the  river,  "so  that  the  crown's  fort 
would  be  the  key  to  New  Sweden."  Ridder  also 
suggested  that  the  national  coat-of-arms  of  stone 
or  wood  be  sent  over  and  placed  above  the  gates 
of  the  fort.     Within  the  paling  three  new  houses 


FOUNDING  AND  FIRST  PERIOD  OF  THE  COLONY       12I 

were  built  for  tlie  shelter  of  the  people,  and  two 
old  ones  were  moved  to  the  east  embankment. 

''Two  horses  and  a  colt  which  were  in  the  colony 
fared  well",  but  three  more  mares  for  work  and 
breeding  were  needed.  Ridder  further  requested 
the  company  to  ship  over  several  cows  and  "two 
pair  of  strong  oxen"  on  the  next  expedition,  as 
there  was  plenty  of  pasture  and  more  than  enough 
work,  oxen  being  most  serviceable  on  the  planta- 
tions. He  complained  bitterly  that  he  had  not  a 
man,  able  to  build  a  common  peasant's  house  or 
saw  a  board  of  lumber.  The  general  condition  of 
the  colonists  was  such  he  said,  that  "it  would  be 
impossible  to  find  more  stupid  people  in  all 
Sweden."  Carpenters  and  other  workmen  were 
therefore  sorely  wanted.  Kidder's  complaints 
were  overestimated,  for  we  know  that  he  built 
some  houses,  but  they  give  a  fair  idea  of  the  class 
of  settlers  that  were  in  the  colony  before  1641, 
Kidder  also  proposed  to  make  bricks,  "for  there 
was  good  clay  to  be  had",  and  to  manufacture 
lumber,  as  there  was  an  inexhaustible  supply  of 
trees  and  splendid  water  power.  In  addition  he 
made  a  list  of  desirable  and  essential  commodities, 
such  as  "glass  windows",  steel,  hemp,  salt, 
brandy,  a  few  barrels  of  tar,  grain  for  seeds  (as 
rye,  barley,  beans,  peas,  cabbage),  turnips  and 
parsnip  seed  and  provisions  for  a  year. 

The  friendlv  intercourse  with  the  Indians  begun 


122  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

hj  Miiiult  were  continued  by  Ridder.  The  latter 
distributed  gifts  among  the  chiefs,  and  assured 
them  of  his  good  will  and  kindly  intentions,  which 
was  reciprocated  by  the  savages  in  their  usual 
way.  The  Indian  trade  was  renewed  in  May, 
shortly  after  the  arrival  of  the  Kalmar  Nyckel, 
causing  great  injury  to  the  Dutch ;  and  a  big  cargo 
of  furs  was  bought  from  the  natives,  largely 
through  the  efforts  of  Huygen. 

The  relations  with  the  Dutch,  however,  were  any- 
thing but  cordial.  On  the  day  after  his  arrival  in 
April,  1640,  Van  Langdonk  was  prevented  from 
passing  Fort  Nassau.  Commander  Ridder  then 
lirepared  his  sloop,  and  went  up  the  stream  with  a 
i'avorable  wind.  Three  cannon  balls  and  a  musket 
liullet  were  fired  across  the  bows  of  the  vessel  from 
the  Dutch  stronghold;  but  Minuit  continued  his 
journey.  On  the  twenty-fifth  of  April  he  went 
ashore  and  delivered  some  letters  to  the  Hollan- 
ders, but  was  unfavorably  received.  On  May  2, 
the  sloop  was  sent  above  the  Dutch  trading  post 
for  the  fourth  time  '*to  see  what  they  would  do." 
Jan  Jansen,  the  Dutch  commander,  again  pointed 
liis  guns'  at  the  vessel  and  fired  a  few  balls  across 
lier  course.  He  also  protested  against  "the  in- 
truders", claiming  that  the  whole  river  belonged 
lo  the  Dutch  West  India  Company.  Ridder  an- 
swered the  in'otests,  which  in  turn  were  followed 
by  Dutch  counter  protests.     Ridder  could  easily 


FOUNDING  AND  FIRST  PERIOD  OF   THE  COLONY      123 

have  opposed  any  attempts  of  the  Dutch  to  be 
masters  of  the  river,  as  Fort  Nassau  was  garri- 
soned by  only  about  twenty  men ;  but  he  preferred 
to  follow  his  instructions  and  keep  on  as  good 
terms  with  them  as  possible. 

As  the  barter  with  the  Indians  had  been  lively 
during  the  spring,  the  ship  could  be  quickly  dis- 
patched on  its  homeward  journey  with  reports, 
journals,  memorials  and  lists  by  Van  Dyck,  the 
commander  and  others.  Huygen,  who  had  been 
very  successful  in  his  dealings  with  the  aborigines, 
and  who  had  proved  himself  an  honest  and  faithful 
servant  of  the  Swedish  crown  and  company,  re- 
turned to  Sweden  to  make  an  oral  report.  Mans 
Kling,  as  well  as  a  number  of  soldiers,  also  left  the 
settlement,  but  the  colony  was  somewhat  aug- 
mented by  the  late  arrivals,  to  what  extent,  how- 
ever, is  unknown.  On  May  14,  1640,  the  little 
colony  was  again  left  to  take  care  of  itself.  The 
Kdlmar  Nyckd  spread  her  sails  and  pointed  her 
])row  towards  Europe,  bearing  the  blessings  and 
hopes  of  the  lonely  pioneers  for  a  safe  voyage  and 
si)eedy  return  with  new  supplies  and  new  settlers. 

The  limits  of  New  Sweden  were  greatly  ex- 
tended in  the  spring  and  summer  of  1640.  It  ap- 
l^ears  that  Van  Langdonk  had  instructions  to  buy 
land  north  of  the  Schuylkill,  but  he  was  prevented, 
a.=!  we  have  seen,  from  passing  the  Dutch  fort, 
liidder  was  more  successful.     During  a  confer- 


124  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

eiice  with  the  liidiaus  iu  April,  somewhere  south  of 
Treuton  Falls,  he  purchased  the  laud  on  the  west 
bank  of  the  Delaware  from  the  Schuylkill  up  to 
l)resent  Trenton  (or  about  forty-miles  of  river 
frontage).  The  purchase  price  in  merchandise 
and  liberal  gifts  were  distributed  among  the 
chiefs;  the  usual  ceremonies  followed,  and  four 
limit-poles  were  erected,  one  near  the  mouth  of  the 
Schuylkill,  the  other  three  at  the  upper  boundary 
of  the  tract.  About  the  same  time  or  a  little  later 
Kidder  acquired  title  to  a  territory  south  of  Duck 
Creek  "from  the  rightful  owner",  the  Sachem 
AVickusi. 

The  harmony  between  the  Dutch  and  Swedish 
officers  in  Fort  Christina  was  not  the  best  before 
1640  and  it  did  not  improve  after  the  arrival  of  the 
Kalmar  Nyckel.  Van  Langdonk  lacked  the  quali- 
ties necessary  for  a  commissary  in  New  Sweden. 
1  ie  was  not  in  symi3athy  with  the  Swedes,  nor  was 
he  on  friendly  terms  with  the  commander.  Quar- 
lels  and  strifes  were  therefore  common,  and  the 
general  discipline  was  bad.  Provisions  were  low 
in  the  summer  and  autumn  of  1640,  and  the  Indian 
trade  was  poor.  Under  such  conditions  little 
could  be  accomplished  and  the  settlement  merely 
existed. 

November  2  was  an  eventful  day  in  Fort  Chris- 
tina; the  Dutch  immigrants  from  Utrecht  disem- 
barked.    We  may  su[)pose  that  their  arrival  some- 


fOUNOING  AND  FIRST  PERIOD  OF  THE  COLONY       I  25 

what  improved  the  conditions.  Van  Bogaert  de- 
livered his  commissions  and  papers  to  Bidder,  and 
the  Dutch  colonists  were  settled  ''on  beautiful 
land"  a  few  miles  below  present  Philadelphia, 
being  lodged  in  the  fort  and  the  dwellings  of  the 
Swedes,  however,  until  they  could  erect  their  own 
houses  and  necessary  farm  dwellings.  They  un- 
doubtedly had  cattle  and  various  supplies  with 
them,  and  they  cleared  land  and  prepared  fields 
during  the  winter.  Their  ship,  which  was  quickly 
made  ready  for  her  journey  back  to  Holland,  went 
to  sea  about  December  3. 

The  winter  of  1640  and  1641  and  the  following 
summer  came  and  went,  but  no  ship  from  Sweden 
made  its  appearance.  The  colony  suffered  an- 
other drawback  in  the  spring  and  summer  of  the 
last  mentioned  year.  A  company  of  traders  from 
New  England  came  into  the  river  and  ruined  the 
Indian  traffic.  Some  merchants  and  planters  of 
New  Haven,  finding  that  their  colony  was  incon- 
veniently situated  for  barter  with  the  Indians, 
looked  for  other  places,  where  they  could  settle 
and  establish  trading  posts.  Two  or  three  of  the 
principal  ones,  who  had  sent  ships  to  the  Delaware 
for  years,  observing  that  this  vast  territory  was 
but  sparcely  colonized  and  that  the  Swedish  and 
Dutch  forts  and  trading  stations  did  not  control 
the  river  nor  the  country,  decided,  perhaps  in  the 
autumn  of  1640,  to  extend  their  activities  more 


126  THE  SWEDES   ON    THE   DELAWARE 

systematically  to  this  locality.  Accordingly  The- 
opliilns  Eaton,  George  Lamberton,  Nathanael 
Turner  and  several  others  formed  a  Delaware 
Company  for  the  purpose  of  trade  and  colonization 
ou  the  South  River.  Two  agents,  Lamberton  and 
Turner,  with  assistants  were  sent  in  the  spring  of 
1641  ''to  view  and  purchase  joart  of  the  Delaware" 
not  3'et  occupied  by  Christian  nations.  The  bark 
or  sloop,  which  had  been  fitted  out  for  the  expe- 
dition during  the  winter,  arrived  in  the  bay  about 
April  1.  Turner  and  Lamberton  then  ''sailed  up 
the  river  in  order  to  select  a  convenient  spot  for 
erecting  a  stronghold  and  making  a  settlement; 
and,  when  a  suitable  landing  place  had  been  found, 
they  endeavored  to  obtain  a  title  to  the  land". 
But  the  Indians  refused  to  deal  with  them,  says 
Governor  Winthrop.  A  Pequod  sachem,  however, 
interceded  in  their  behalf,  whereupon  the  owner 
"entertained  them  and  let  them  have  what  land 
they  desired."  "In  the  presence  of  witnesses" 
Lamberton  and  Turner  contracted  "several  deeds 
of  bargain  and  sale  of  land  on  both  sides  of  the 
Delaware."  The  tracts  extended  "from  a  small 
river  or  creek  called  Chesumquesett  (Racoon 
creek)  northward,  where  the  land  of  the  said 
Usquata,  Sachem  of  Narratacus,  doth  begin,  unto 
the  seacoast  southward"  on  the  east  side  of  the 
Delaware  and  "from  a  riverlet  called  by  the 
Indians  Tomquncke  unto  another  riverlet  on  the 


FOUNDING  AND  FIRST  PERIOD  OF  THE  COLONY       127 

west  side  of  the  great  river  called  by  the  English 
Delaware." 

Having  discovered  the  intentions  of  the  English, 
Kidder  prepared  his  sloop  and  sailed  down  the 
river  to  thwart  the  designs  of  Turner  and  Lam- 
berton.  He  landed  at  a  certain  Jcill  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  the  wig-wams  of  Wickusi,  who  pro- 
fessed to  be  the  true  owner.  The  sachem  was 
called,  ''a  bargain  was  made  with  him",  and  he 
was  given  ''good  remuneration"  for  the  land.  A 
pole  with  the  arms  of  Sweden  upon  it  was  then  set 
in  the  ground  in  the  presence  of  Wickusi  and  other 
Indians,  and  a  Swedish  salute  was  fired  from  the 
sloop.  It  seems,  however,  that  the  full  amount 
stipulated  in  the  deed  was  not  paid  at  the  time,  for 
in  16-1:7  claims  were  presented  to  Printz.* 

When  Ridder  had  planted  his  limit-poles,  he  sent 
Van  Dyck  to  the  English  "with  information  that 
the  land  had  been  purchased  by  the  Swedes  and 
that  that  was  the  reason  why  the  shots  had  been 
fired."  He  also  protested  against  the  English 
trade  in  the  river.  But  Turner  and  Lamberton 
paid  no  heed  to  the  Swedes  and  went  on  as  before. 
A  few  days  after  the  purchase,  Usquata  removed 
the  Swedish  coat-of-arms  and  carried  them  to  Fort 
Christina,  but,  as  soon  as  Wickusi  became  aware  of 
it,  he  sent  a  messenger  to  the  Swedes,  requesting 

(*)  The  Swedes  claimed  some  time  later  that  they  bought 
the  land  "from  the  rightful  owner  three  days  before"  the 
English  purchase. 


l28  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

tliem  to  '^piit  up  the  coat-of-arms  again",  as  tJiey 
had  bought  the  land  from  the  real  owner.  From 
Varkens  Kill  Lamberton  and  Turner  proceeded  to 
the  Schuylkill,  where  they  bought  another  tract  of 
land  extending  a  few  miles  along  the  eastern  shore 
of  the  Delaware  north  of  Philadelphia. 

In  the  meantime  the  English  built  a  blockhouse 
and  some  dwellings  at  Varkens  Kill.  The  settle- 
ment numbered  twenty  families,  in  all  sixty  per- 
sons. They  were  probably  mostly  traders,  but 
some  of  them  went  there  for  the  purposes  of  agri- 
culture and  tobacco  planting,  and  it  is  likely  that 
they  laid  out  small  gardens  and  farms  around  their 
log  cabins  as  early  as  in  the  summer  of  1641. 

IV. 

In  October,  1641,  the  long  expected  succor  was 
approaching  New  Sweden.  In  the  first  week  of 
November  the  Kalmar  Nyckel  and  the  Charitas 
sailed  up  the  Delaware  and  on  the  seventh  they 
anchored  in  front  of  Christina.  The  first  few 
days  were  occupied  in  nursing  the  sick  people, 
caring  for  the  animals  and  unloading  the  goods. 
Most  of  the  articles  which  Bidder  had  asked  for 
were  on  the  ships,  a  better  class  of  colonists  ar- 
rived and  a  period  of  prosperity  was  in  sight.  On 
the  fifteenth  of  November  an  inventory  was  made 
by  Langdonk,  who  delivered  the  goods  under  his 
charge  into  the  hands  of  his  successor.     The  store 


FOUNDING  AND  FIRST  PERJOD  OF  THE  COLONY       129 

was  very  small,  only  a  few  Imndred  bushels  of 
corn,  some  4,000  fish  hooks,  about  600  axes  and  a 
few  other  small  wares  being  on  hand.  But  large 
supplies  were  now  carried  into  the  warehouse. 
Only  six  beaver  skins  were  in  the  salesroom  and 
Huyden  was  unable  to  buy  furs  from  the  Indians, 
since  the  English  had  ruined  the  trade,  conse- 
quently the  ships  returned  almost  empty  towards 
the  end  of  the  month. 

The  garrison  was  strengthened  by  several  sol- 
diers and  Mans  Kling  arrived  in  the  capacity  of  a 
Lieutenant.  A  few  freemen,  who  intended  to 
begin  new  plantations  came  on  the  ship,  besides  a 
preacher,  a  tailor,  a  millwright  and  perhaps  a 
blacksmith  and  other  skilled  workmen. 

Five  horses,  eight  cows,  five  sheep  and  two  goats 
were  landed  alive,  but  two  horses  and  one  cow  died 
soon  after  the  arrival  of  the  ships.  The  pigs, 
which  had  been  taken  over  on  previous  voyages  or 
bought  from  New  Amsterdam,  increased  rapidly, 
and  many  of  them  ran  wild.  They  were  shot  in 
the  autumn,  and  the  pork  was  smoked  and  salted 
for  winter  food.  Eidder  himself  shot  a  pig  eight 
miles  from  the  fort,  and  eight  others  were  cap- 
tured alive  at  the  same  place.  Hunting  was  an 
important  means  of  obtaining  provision,  especially 
in  the  autumn  and  winter,  and  the  settlers  always 
carried  their  guns  with  them.  Fishing  was  like- 
y^ise  important,  hut  m^dev  complained  that  neces- 


I30  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

sary  fishing  implements  were  lacking  (hooks,  nets 
and  probably  spears,  being  the  commonest  fishing 
implements).  Nets  and  fishing  tackle  were  im- 
ported on  later  expeditions  and  the  supply  of  fish 
became  more  plentiful.  Thousands  of  hooks  were 
sold  to  the  Indians,  who  in  turn  supplied  fish  to  the 
freemen.  New  dwellings  were  built  outside  the 
fort,  plots  for  settlements  were  selected  and  new 
land  was  cleared  and  prepared  during  the  winter 
for  farms  and  tobacco  plantations. 

In  the  spring  the  English  continued  their  activi- 
ties, and  the  Delaware  Company  of  New  Haven 
sent  another  vessel  with  colonists  and  supplies  to 
the  South  River.  After  touching  at  Varkens  Kill 
the  ship  (in  command  of  Robert  Cogswell)  pro- 
ceeded to  the  Schuylkill,  where  Lamberton  had 
erected  a  log  house.  The  lively  traffic  with  the 
Indians  was  renewed  and  much  damage  was  done 
to  the  fur  trade  of  the  Swedes  and  Dutch. 

We  have  seen  that  the  Dutch  interfered  with  the 
Swedish  operations,  when  Minuit  and  Ridder  ar- 
rived. But  in  1642  the  Swedes  and  Dutch  were 
drawn  closer  together  and  made  common  cause 
against  the  English.  Jan  Jansen,  through  orders 
from  his  superiors,  proceeded  to  the  Schuylkill 
with  armed  men,  probably  assisted  by  Ridder; 
and,  since  the  English  were  unwilling  ''to  depart 
immediately  in  peace",  he  burnt  their  store-house 
and  dwellings,  and  sent  the  settlers  as  prisoners 


FOUNDING  AND  FIRST  PERIOD  OF  THE  COLONY      131 

to  MauliattaD.  Lamberton,  however,  ''who  was 
on  his  guard"  escaped  with  his  vessel.  The  dam- 
ages sustained  by  the  English  were  estimated  at 
£1,000,  and,  if  this  is  not  too  exaggerated,  the  set- 
tlement must  have  been  considerable. 

The  English  settlement  at  Varkens  Kill  was 
undisturbed.  It  was  situated  some  distance  from 
the  Dutch  and  English  forts,  far  from  the  paths 
of  the  fur  trade,  and  was  probably  too  strong  for 
the  weak  forces  at  the  disposal  of  "Ridder  and 
Jansen.  The  English  assured  Commander  Eidder, 
however,  that  they  would  submit  "to  the  one  who 
was  strongest  and  most  able  to  give  them  protec- 
tion", and  when  Governor  Printz  arrived  they 
were  incorporated  into  the  Swedish  colony,  as  we 
shall  see. 

Sir  Edmund  Plowden,  who  had  been  given  a 
grant  including  the  eastern  shore  of  the  Delaware, 
made  preparations  to  send  settlers  there  in  1641. 
He  protested  against  the  doings  of  the  New  Haven 
Delaware  Company,  and,  through  the  aid  of  Par- 
liament, interested  the  English  of  Virginia  in  his 
venture.  On  the  eighteenth  of  March.  1642,  Gov- 
ernor Berkeley  addressed  a  letter  and  protest  to 
''the  right  worthy  Governor  of  the  Swedes  and  to 
Henrick  Huygen  in  charge  of  the  South  Kiver", 
giving  a  short  account  of  the  real  and  imaginary 
discoveries,  settlements  and  occupations  of  the 
English  on  the  Delaware  and  their  rights  there, 


132  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

and  admoiiisliing  the  Swedes  to  submit  to  the 
authority  of  the  English  crown  and  to  '*  recognize 
the  title  and  dominion"  of  Governor  Plowden, 
The  letter  goes  on  to  say  that  Sir  Edmund  Plow- 
den wished  to  establish  ''friendship  and  good 
peaceable  correspondence"  with  the  Swedes,  and 
that  he  desired  them  ''not  to  sell  or  give  to  the 
native  Indians  there  any  arms  or  ammunition,  nor 
liinder  the  free  trade,  passage,  residence  or  com- 
merce in  the  said  South  Eiver."  The  protest 
probably  elicited  a  reply  from  Kidder,  and  there 
was  the  end  of  the  matter. 

The  land  in  the  neighborhood  of  Fort  Christina 
had  greatly  changed  in  the  spring  of  1642.  New 
cottages  could  be  seen  around  the  trading  post; 
new  clearings  were  beginning  to  break  the  mono- 
tony of  the  forests,  and  grain  was  sprouting  from 
the  fresh  furrows.  Tobacco  was  cultivated  here 
and  there,  and  vegetables  of  various  kinds  were 
growing  for  the  supplies  of  the  colony.  We  know 
nothing  about  the  crops  of  New  Sweden  in  1642, 
but  a  windmill  was  built  near  or  within  Christina, 
where  flour  was  ground  throughout  the  autumn 
and  winter.  "Sickness  and  mortality",  says  Gov- 
ernor Winthrop,  "befell  the  Swedes  in  1642";  but 
there  is  no  mention  of  it  in  the  extant  Swedish 
records,  nor  do  the  ]ireserved  documents  give  us 
any  information  of  other  internal  events  before  the 
arrival  of  Governor  Printz. 


FOUNDING  AND  FIRST  PERIOD  OF  THE  COLONY      133 

It  is  a  (iiirJons  fact  that  Joost  van  Bogaert,  with 
the  exception  of  a  single  reference  in  Pkmta genet's 
Nen-  Albion,  "disappears  from  history"  with  his 
settlement  after  1642.  It  therefore  seems  possihle 
that  Bogaert  and  some  of  his  people  died  in  that 
year.  We  may  then  assume  that  the  surviving 
Dutch  colonists  gradually  removed  to  their  coun- 
trymen at  Fort  Nassau  or  in  New  Amsterdam  (a 
few  possibly  settling  among  the  Swedes),  for 
Printz  makes  no  mention  of  these  Dutch  in  his 
reports,  which  he  surely  would  have  done,  had 
their  colony  been  intact  in  1643. 

"The  houses  w^hicli  the  Swedes  erected  for  them- 
selves, when  they  first  came  here,  were  very 
poor",  says  Kalm,  "a  little  cottage  built  of  round 
logs  with  the  door  so  low  that  it  was  necessary  to 
bend  down  when  entering.  As  the  colonists  had 
no  windows  with  them  small  loopholes  served  the 
]iurpose,  covered  with  a  sliding  board,  which  could 
be  closed  and  ojiened.  Clay  was  plastered  into  the 
cracks  between  the  logs  on  both  sides  of  the  walls. 
The  fireplaces  were  made  from  granite  boulders 
found  on  the  hills,  or,  in  places  where  there  wereno 
stones,  out  of  mere  clay.  The  bakeoven  was  also 
made  inside  the  house."  This  description,  based 
on  the  accounts  of  an  old  settler,  gives,  I  think,  a 
fairly  accurate  picture  of  the  dwellings  in  New 
Sweden  before  Printz  arrived.  As  time  went  on 
more  pretentious  buildings  were  erected. 


134  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

As  to  the  administration  of  justice  in  the  colony 
during  this  period  we  know  nothing,  but  it  is  pro- 
bable that  courts  were  held  at  Christina  from  the 
beginning  of  the  settlement  in  1638. 

Facts  about  the  religious  life  are  also  meagre 
before  1643.  Rev.  Reorus  Torkillus  who  arrived 
in  1640  conducted  services  in  Fort  Christina  in 
accordance  with  the  Swedish  Church  law.  Pie  was 
abused  by  some  of  the  Dutch  who  were  of  the  re- 
form faith,  and  in  his  letters  to  the  council  he  com- 
plained of  his  troubles  with  ''those  who  confessed 
to  the  Calvanistic  heresy";  but  harmony  seems  to 
have  been  restored  after  Van  Langdonk's  return 
to  Europe,  In  November,  1641,  Rev.  Christopher 
arrived.  He  had  no  commission  to  serve  in  the 
colony;  but,  as  the  work  was  too  much  for  Rev. 
Torkillus,  he  remained  until  1643,  doing  the  duties 
of  a  clerg^nnan,  and  when  he  returned  to  Sweden 
he  was  paid  by  Beier  for  his  labors.  It  is  pro- 
bable that  Reverend  Torkillus  conducted  services 
in  the  fort,  while  Christopher  looked  after  the  re- 
ligious needs  of  the  freemen  and  servants,  who 
lived  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  stronghold. 

One  of  the  houses  built  by  Minuit  undoubtedly 
did  duty  as  a  ''meeting-house"  for  a  time,  but  it 
is  quite  certain  that  a  chapel  was  erected  about 
]641  or  1642,  when  a  mere  dwelling  was  too  small 
for  the  accommodation  of  tlie  colonists.  It  was  an 
age  when  religion  was  taken  with  great  serious- 


FOUNDING  AND  FIRST  PERIOD  OF  THE  COLONY      135 

ness,  and  when  duties  of  worship  and  piety  were 
the  first  requirements  of  a  community ;  when  gen- 
erals began  their  reports  and  letters  to  their 
superiors  in  the  name  of  God  and  ended  them  with 
His  blessings,  when  politicians  prayed  for  success 
and  pirates  began  their  expeditions  only  after  the 
grace  of  Heaven  had  been  invoked  to  favor  their 
undertakings,  and  we  may  feel  certain  that  the 
authorities  in  Sweden  did  not  fail  to  instruct 
Bidder  to  build  a  place  of  worship,  and  that  he 
obeyed  the  order,  although  we  have  no  record  to 
tell  the  tale.  We  know  that  there  was  a  house  of 
worship  in  the  colony  in  1643,  for  Brahe,  answer- 
ing Printz's  letter  of  April  12,  admonished  the 
governor  to  decorate  their  ''little  church  in  the 
Swedish  custom".  Since  a  church  in  those  days 
could  not  be  built  in  a  month  and  a  half,  it  must 
have  been  there  before  Governor  Printz  arrived. 


PART  III. 

^f)t  3^tox^mi}tti  i^etD  ^toeben  Company  anb  Stfi; 

^ctibitp;  Social,  Economic  anli  political  ILiit 

in  tlje  Colonp,  1643=1653. 


CHAPTER  V. 

The   Reorganized  American    Company  and   the 

Expeditions  to  New  Sweden  during  the 

Administration  of  Governor  Printz. 

I. 

After  the  second  expedition  (in  1640)  the  New 
Sweden  Company  was  entirely  under  Swedish 
control,  and  the  stockholders  were  all  Swedish  citi- 
zens, born  or  naturalized.  But  Swedish  capita- 
lists were  unable  to  conduct  so  great  an  enterprise 
without  aid  from  the  crown,  and  Von  der  Linde 
and  De  Geer  were  too  cautious  to  enter  upon  so 
doubtful  a  venture  and  too  busily  engaged  in 
other  fields  of  activity  to  find  time  for  planting 
colonies  on  the  Delaware.  The  finances  of  the 
company  were  now  in  a  deplorable  state,  and  some- 
thing had  to  be  done.  Fleming  corresponded  with 
Blommaert  and  others  on  the  subject,  and  several 
plans  were  proposed.  The  affairs  of  the  company 
were  also  discussed  by  the  council  of  state  as  well 
as  by  the  stockholders  and  officers  and  after  sev- 
eral conferences  it  was  decided  to  recommend  to 
the  Government  the  following : 

139 


l4o  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

1.  That  the  company  be  re-drganized  and  a 
capital  of  36,000  11.  D.  be  issued. 

±  That  the  crown  should  subscribe  6,000  E.  D. 
of  the  stock,  the  old  South  Ship  Company  18,000 
R.  D.  and  a  number  of  private  people  3,000  R.  D. 
each. 

3.  That  the  main  office  of  the  company  be  located 
in  Gothenburg,  and  a  bookkeeper  be  employed 
there. 

4.  That  the  governor  and  other  officers  be  paid 
from  the  tobacco  excise  in  Sweden. 

At  the  final  decisions  of  the  government  the 
above  principles  were  followed,  except  that  Stock- 
holm instead  of  Gothenburg  was  made  the  head 
office,  with  a  staple  under  the  charge  of  a  commis- 
sary at  the  latter  place.  "In  August,  1642,  the 
royal  government  and  respective  stockholders 
I'esolved  to  furnish  a  capital  of  36,000  R.  D.  in  the 
New  Sweden  Company",  and  on  the  twenty-eighth 
of  August  the  various  accounts  were  entered  into 
the  journal  of  the  company,  thus  completing  the 
re-organization  of  the  "new  trading  society." 

The  relation  of  the  crown  to  the  re-organized 
New  Sweden  Company  stands  forth  in  a  clearer 
light  than  to  the  "Old  New  Sweden  Company  of 
1637."  The  government  now  being  a  stockliolder 
had  a  legal  right  to  interfere  with  the  management 
of  the  company  and  to  suggest  phins  of  proceedure 
and  methods  of  work.     Since  the  charter  did  not 


THE   REORGANIZED  AMERICAN   COMPANY  141 

clearly  define  the  principles  to  be  followed,  it  is 
evident  that  many  of  the  decisions  of  the  crown 
should  seem  quite  arbitrary.  Most  of  the  expe- 
ditions to  the  colony  were  determined  upon  in  the 
council  of  state,  and  the  ships  used  on  the  expe- 
ditions were  selected  by  order  of  the  crown.  But 
this  was  only  natural.  We  need  but  remember 
that  all  the  private  stockholders  were  members  of 
the  council  except  Spiring,  who,  however,  held  a 
high  office  in  the  service  of  the  government.  The 
council  meetings  were  the  most  convenient  place 
for  discussing  the  company's  business,  as  it  could 
there  be  considered  in  connection  with  other  com- 
mercial affairs,  thus  relieving  the  stockholders 
from  holding  special  conferences. 

No  new  charter  seems  to  have  been  given  in 
1642,  but  the  company  enjoyed  the  special  privi- 
leges granted  to  it  five  years  before.  Fleming  re- 
mained the  director  and  all  the  old  officers  were 

retained. 

11. 

During  the  above  mentioned  re-organization 
preparations  were  begun  for  a  new  expedition,  and 
the  arrival  of  Kidder's  reports  concerning  the 
English  settlements  and  the  condition  of  the  coun- 
try gave  new  impetus  to  the  activities.  Three  ves- 
sels were  to  be  despatched  to  the  colony  and  the, 
government  assumed  all  the  expenses  of  the  jour- 
10  ney,  except  the  board  and  wages  of  the  colonists 


142  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

and  civil  officers  and  servants.  Provisions  and 
supplies  were  bought  in  Holland  and  in  Gothen- 
burg, but  no  cargo  was  purchased  for  the  Indian 
trade,  as  that  would  have  delayed  the  expedition. 
The  preparations  advanced  slowly,  however,  and 
not  till  autmnn  were  definite  orders  given  by  the 
government. 

It  was  decided  to  relieve  Bidder  of  his  post  and 
to  appoint  Johan  Printz  Governor  of  New  Siveden. 
Printz  was  a  character,  a  man  of  a  checkered  ca- 
reer. The  son  of  a  clergyman,  he  prepared  for  a 
learned  vocation,  studying  Latin,  philosophj^, 
theology  and  what  not  in  Swedish  schools  and  Ger- 
man universities.  However,  partly  by  force  of 
circumstances,  partly  by  choice,  he  entered  mili- 
tary service,  an  honored  profession  in  this  mili- 
tary age.  He  rose,  ])y  degrees,  under  many  mas- 
ters and  in  many  countries.  Finally  having  served 
in  Swedish  armies  about  15  years,  he  was  assigned 
to  an  imi)ortant  post  as  commander  of  Chemnitz. 
Being  forced  to  surrender,  however,  in  1640,  and 
returning  to  Sweden  without  a  ]iassport  from  his 
superior,  he  was  arrested  in  Stockholm  and  re- 
moved from  his  command.  He  then  lived  in  retire- 
ment on  his  estate  until  his  new  appointment  in 
1642.  I]i  July  of  tliis  year  he  was  knighted,  and 
restored  to  full  favor  with  the  government. 

The  instruction  for  Governor  Printz  was  dis- 
cussed and  outlined  in  the  council  of  state  (sug- 


■I. 


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'-ii^UM'llMi^. 


ViffMHies; 


MtoHMiaa 


THE  REORGANIZED  AMERICAN   COMPANY  143 

gestions  being  made  by  Spiling  and  others),  and 
on  the  fifteenth  of  August  the  document  was  signed 
by  Per  Brahe,  Herman  Wrangel,  Klas  Fleming, 
Axel  Oxenstierna  and  Gabriel  Bengtsson  Oxen- 
stierna.  The  commission  of  Printz  as  governor 
was  signed  the  same  day.  400  R.  D.  were  granted 
to  the  governor  for  traveling  expenses  and  as  a 
recompense  for  his  lost  time  in  waiting  for  the 
ships  to  sail.  A  new  budget  to  be  supplied  from 
the  tobacco  excise  was  also  drafted,  providing  for 
the  wages  of  the  officers  and  soldiers. 

Christer  Boije,  Johan  Papegoja,  the  Rev.  Johan 
Campanius  and  several  others  were  engaged  to 
serve  in  New  Sweden  and  Gregorious  van  Dyck 
returned  to  the  colony  on  this  expedition.  A  num- 
ber of  new  men  were  also  inlisted  to  replace  the 
Dutch  soldiers  and  servants  in  Fort  Christina,  to 
eliminate  the  quarrels  and  dissentions  that  had 
been  frequent  there. 

Efforts  were  also  made  to  collect  emigrants.  A 
certain  blacksmith,  Michel  Nelsson,  who  had  been 
engaged  by  Beier  to  seek  for  minerals  in  New 
Sweden,  went  to  Varmland  in  June  to  hire  la- 
borers. In  addition  to  this,  letters  were  written 
l)y  the  council  to  several  governors  of  the  kingdom, 
instructing  them  to  prevail  upon  people  to  emi- 
grate (those  of  good  repute  to  be  requested  to  take 
their  families  with  them).  But  few  expressed 
their  willingness  to  go,  and  mere  persuasion  was 


144  I'HE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

found  inadequate.  The  council  of  state  therefore 
resolved  that  poachers  and  deserted  soldiers 
should  be  condemned  to  serve  in  the  colony  a  num- 
ber of  years.  Even  these  measures,  however, 
proved  insufficient,  and  in  August  several  gov- 
ernors of  the  northern  and  central  provinces  were 
requested  to  capture  such  Finns  in  their  terri- 
tories as  were  known  to  be  destroying  the  forests 
and  doing  damage  to  the  woods  at  the  mines. 
These  people  with  their  families  were  to  be  kept 
in  readiness  for  transportation  to  Gothenburg 
within  three  weeks  after  August  1.  Later  it  was 
also  ordered  that  citizens  unable  to  pay  their  debts 
should  be  deported.* 

In  the  course  of  the  summer  it  was  found  ex- 
pedient to  equip  but  two  ships.  These,  the  Fama 
and  the  Sivan,  were  fitted  out  at  Stockholm, 
whence  they  set  sail  on  the  sixteenth  of  August, 
with  Rev.  Campanius  and  other  emigrants  on 
board,  arriving  at  Gothenburg  on  the  twelfth  of 
September.  The  Fama  was  in  poor  condition, 
making  it  necessary  to  paint  her  and  repair  her  in 
other  ways.  These,  together  with  other  obstacles, 
dehiyed  the  expedition  several  weeks,  causing  the 
company  much  ex])ense,  as  tlie  seiA'ants  and  set- 
tlers had  to  be  fed  and  housed.    Governor  Printz, 

(*)  The  principles  followed  were  that  persons,  "who  had 
iiol  (.omrnitted  such  criniis  that  other  people  shunned  their 
coinpany",  could  be  sent  to  New  Sweden, 


THE   REORGANIZED   AMERICAN   COMPANY  145 

who  with  his  family  went  by  land,  probably  ar- 
rived at  Gothenburg-  about  the  beginning  of  Sep- 
tember, where  the  other  passengers  were  await- 
ing the  sailing  of  the  vessels. 

Finally,  towards  the  end  of  October,  everything 
was  in  readiness.  The  colonists  were  reviewed 
and  taken  on  board,  and  on  the  first  of  November 
the  Fama  and  the  Sivan  weighed  anchor.  On  the 
fourteenth  they  braved  the  Spanish  sea  and  to- 
wards the  end  of  December  they  lowered  sails  in 
the  harbor  of  Antigua.  Here  the  passengers 
spent  their  Christmas  holidays.  They  were  well 
received  by  the  inhabitants  and  the  English  Gov- 
ernor entertained  Governor  Printz,  Eev.  Cam- 
panius  and  the  other  officers  at  his  own  house.  The 
colonists  were  under  way  in  the  beginning  of  the 
year,  ''having  as  many  oranges  and  lemons  as 
they  could  take  with  them,"  and  arrived  in  Dela- 
ware Bay  about  the  end  of  January,  1643.  Here 
a  fearful  snow  storm  overtook  the  vessels.  The 
Fama  ran  ashore,  losing  her  main  masts,  sprit- 
sail  and  three  large  anchors.  The  other  vessel 
also  suffered  damages,  and  part  of  the  cargo  was 
ruined.  The  expedition  was  delayed  for  two 
weeks  through  the  mishap,  and  did  not  reach  Fort 
Christina  until  February  15. 

The  ships  having  been  prepared  for  the  return 
voyage  in  the  spring  departed  from  the  colony 
about  April  14  with  some  homeward  bound  people 


146  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

(including  Jolian  Papegoja)  and  large  cargoes  of 
beaver  and  otter  skins.  The  vessels  went  by  way 
of  Portugal,  where  a  quantity  of  salt  was  loaded 
into  the  Swan,  and  about  the  end  of  July  they 
anchored  in  the  harbor  of  Gothenburg.  The  docu- 
ments, letters  and  reports  from  the  colony  reached 
Stockholm  overland  August  1.  The  cargoes  of 
peltries  and  salt  were  brought  to  the  capital  in 
the  ships  to  be  sold  there  and  the  council  of  state 
resolved  that  the  salt  should  be  duty  free. 

Peter  H.  Eidder  returned  from  the  colony  with 
the  ships.  He  was  employed  by  the  government 
in  various  undertakings  and  important  missions 
for  over  a  score  of  years.  In  1669  he  retired  to 
northeastern  Finland  in  the  capacity  of  com- 
mander of  Viborg  Castle  and  died  there  about 
1691. 

III. 

Since  the  Frcma  and  the  Swan  carried  no  cargo 
to  New  Sweden  for  the  Indian  trade,  it  was 
planned  to  send  out  a  new  expedition  at  an  early 
date  and  preparations  were  under  way  before  the 
ships  sailed  in  November.  Admiral  Fleming  (as- 
sisted by  Beier,  Kramer,  Schottingen,  Trotzig  and 
Spiring)  was  untiring  in  his  activity,  giving  or- 
ders and  directing  the  work.  Trotzig  bought  pro- 
visions and  goods  in  Holland  for  several  thousand 
florins,  Schottingen  purchased  cloth,  ready-made 


1 

Lii' 

M 

'^-■mM^^' 

~:.'l;-\y         r                                  "~^ 

■  — *-  '**>'• ,  • 

^^UUitttUtr 

1 1 

1 

Castle  at  Viborg,  Finland,  over  which  Peter  H.  Ridder  was  made 

commander  in  1669.     See  The  Sivedish  SettJenieuls,  II,  p.  692. 

(Photographed  by  the  author  i.i  July,  1909.) 


THE   REORGANIZED   AMERICAN   COMPANY  147 

clothes,  shoes,  stockings  and  the  like  in  Gothen- 
burg, and  Beier  and  Kramer  procured  axes, 
saws,  mill-stones,  cloth  and  such  things  in  Stock- 
holm. 

As  usual  it  was  difficult  to  find  emigrants  and 
the  council  again  decided  to  send  timber  thieves 
and  game  poachers  to  America.  Johan  Papegoja, 
who  had  concluded  to  return,  hired  a  number  of 
soldiers  in  the  autumn.  The  barber-surgeon  Hans 
Janeke  was  engaged  at  this  time,  and  he  was  given 
60  D.  for  the  preparation  of  his  medicine  chest 
It  appears  that  two  or  three  colonists  came  from 
Finland,  and  Johan  Matsson  and  the  noblemen 
Knut  and  Per  Liljehok  were  among  the  passen- 
gers. 

Since  the  ships  which  carried  Printz  to  New 
Sweden  returned  to  Stockholm  before  the  depart- 
ure of  the  next  (the  fifth)  expedition,  it  was  de- 
cided to  use  the  Fama  for  the  new  voyage.  An- 
other ship,  the  well-known  Kalmar  Ni/ckel,  was 
fitted  out  by  the  company  for  a  trading  journey  to 
the  Caribbean  Islands.  Large  quantities  of 
"wooden  bottles,"  wooden  basins,  wooden  spoons, 
lumber,  tar,  and  other  products  and  manufactured 
articles  were  furnished  for  the  voyage  in  Sweden 
and  Finland.  Brandy  and  wine  and  other  sup- 
plies were  purchased  in  Holland  "for  the  tobacco 
trade  in  the  Caribbean  Islands."  The  two  vessels 
sailed  out  of  Gothenburg  harbor  on  December  29. 


148  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

It  is  probable  that  both  kept  the  same  course  for 
some  time,  but  thej^  must  liave  separated  before 
arriving  in  American  waters,  the  Kalmar  Nyckel 
going  to  the  Caribbees. 

On  the  twenty-seventh  of  February  the  Fama 
was  off  the  American  coast  and  on  the  eleventh  of 
March  her  sails  v/ere  furled  before  Christina  in 
New  Sweden,  About  the  middle  of  June  she  vras 
ready  for  her  return-voyage,  but  contrary  winds 
or  other  circumstances  delayed  the  sailing.  On 
or  shortly  after  July  20  her  anchor  vras  weighed 
and  she  set  out  for  Europe  with  a  large  cargo  of 
tobacco  and  skins. 

After  a  two  months'  voyage  the  ship  put  into 
Harlingen  to  revictual.  From  there  she  was  to 
have  sailed  to  Sweden,  but  as  the  war  with  Den- 
mark was  in  progress,  it  was  decided  to  unload 
the  cargo  in  Holland.  A  permit  to  unload  was  re- 
fused, however.  Not  only  that.  The  ship  was 
seized  by  the  Dutch  West  India  Company  and  a 
duty  of  8  per  cent,  was  demanded  in  addition  to 
the  ordinary  import  excises.  After  many  pro- 
tests and  conferences  about  the  matter,  Peter 
Spiring  succeeded  in  freeing  the  vessel. 

In  the  meantime  the  Kalmar  Nyckel  also  ar- 
]'ived.  When  the  ship  parted  from  tlio  Fama, 
westward  bound  in  the  beginning  of  1G4-L,  she  ])ro- 
ceeded  directly  to  the  Caribbean  Island,  where  the 
caigo  was  exchanged  for  tobacco.     The  ship  left 


THE   REORGANIZED   AMERICAN    COMPANY  149 

the  islands  on  its  return  journey  late  in  the  sum- 
mer or  early  in  the  autumn.  She  touched  at  Do- 
ver, to  obtain  supplies.  From  there  she  went  to 
Harlingeu,  where  she  was  seized  by  orders  of  the 
Dutch  West  India  Company.  She  was  released, 
however,  at  the  same  time  as  the  Fama. 

The  cargoes  of  the  two  ships  were  sold  by 
Lucas  Arentzen.  The  beaver  skins  on  the  Fama 
realized  15,000  florins,  and  the  tobacco  on  the 
Kalmar  Nyckel  brought  8,666  florins.  But  the  net 
proceeds  were  reduced  by  Arentzen 's  commission 
as  well  as  by  freight  charges  and  other  expendi- 
tures. The  expenses  due  to  the  seizure  of  the 
ships  were  also  considerable,  and  Arentzen  paid 
more  than  3,000  for  supplies  and  provisions. 

IV. 

Printz  and  Papegoja  sent  earnest  requests  for 
more  colonists  and  additional  supplies  with  the 
Fama  in  1644.  But  events  in  northern  Europe  of 
far  greater  importance  to  the  welfare  of  Sweden 
than  the  little  colony  on  the  South  Eiver  were  oc- 
cupying the  minds  of  the  statesmen  at  Stockholm. 
Sweden  was  fighting  one  of  her  most  successful 
wars  with  Denmark.  Every  ship  that  could  be 
used  was  pressed  into  service.  The  Swan  and  the 
Charitas  which  had  made  journeys  to  New  Sweden 
took  part  in  the  battle  of  Fehmern,  and  when  the 
Fama  and  Kalmar  NijcJcel  reached  Gothenburg  in 


150  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

the  summer  of  1645  they  were  fitted  out  for  par- 
ticipation in  the  struggle.  On  Augiist  7  the  Kal- 
niar  Nyckel  engaged  the  Danish  ship  St.  Peer 
in  a  bitter  fight  between  Copenhagen  and  Malmo. 
Only  twelve  men  of  the  Swedish  vessel  survived 
the  encounter,  and  M.  Johansson,  who  had  made 
several  journeys  to  New  Sweden  and  Virginia  as 
secretary,  was  badly  wounded. 

Under  such  conditions  no  ships  could  be  spared 
for  expeditions  to  America.  The  war  not  only 
hindered  and  delayed  preparations  for  a  new  jour- 
ney, however;  it  also  removed  the  staunchest  and 
warmest  supporter  of  the  colony, — Fleming  was 
killed  in  July,  1644,  by  a  stray  bullet  from  a 
Danish  battery. 

Chancellor  Oxenstierna  was  now  the  unap- 
pointed  director  of  the  company,  but  he  was  too 
busy  to  think  of  the  colony  and  its  needs.  He  was 
appointed  peace  commissioner  in  1644  to  the 
lengthy  conferences,  which  lasted  about  a  year  and 
a  half.  He  wrote  most  of  the  documents  with  his 
own  hand,  and  he  ''had  to  fight,  not  only  against 
the  enemies  and  the  peace  mediators,  but  also 
against  the  opposition  peace  party  in  the  Swedish 
council."  In  consequence  the  affairs  of  the  com- 
jiany  were  ''in  great  confusion."  Letters  and  re- 
ports from  Printz  were  sent  to  the  chancellor,  who 
was  too  busy  to  look  after  them;  and  hence  the 
other  officers  of  the  company  in  Sweden  were  ig- 


^-^^ 


^^/ 


Scepter,  the  flagship  of  Admiral  Klas  Fleming  on  which  he 
was  killed.     From  G.  Unger's  11.  sv.  sjokrigsh  .,/. 


THE  REORGANIZED  AMERICAN   COMPANY  151 

iiorant  of  the  conditions  in  the  colony.  The  papers 
and  documents  of  Printz  were  finally  sent  to 
Kramer  and  Beier,  who  made  some  efforts  to  com- 
ply with  the  requests  of  the  governor.  Since  a 
cargo  could  not  be  safely  sent  from  a  Swedish  port 
to  America  during  the  war,  it  was  planned  to  ship 
supplies  direct  from  Holland  to  New  Sweden.  But 
Spiring,  who  had  been  instructed  to  execute  these 
plans,  could  not  do  so,  as  ''the  cargoes  of  the 
Fama  and  Kalmar  Nyckel  were  seized  and  there 
were  no  other  means  on  hand." 

On  the  thirteenth  of  August,  1015,  peace  was 
made  with  Denmark  and  ships  could  be  used  for 
commercial  journeys.  A  new  expedition  was  to  be 
prepared  at  once,  and  the  government  was  to  pay 
all  expenses.  In  his  report  of  1644  Governor 
Printz  asked  for  a  large  number  of  soldiers  and 
colonists,  and  it  seems  that  there  were  actually 
some  serious  intentions  of  complying  with  his  re- 
quest. In  the  Koyal  Archives  at  Stockholm  is  }) re- 
served ''an  estimate  of  the  provisions  necessary 
for  three  months  for  1,000  persons  small  and  big," 
consisting  of  400  men,  half  of  whom  were  to  be 
soldiers,  the  other  half  colonists,  400  women  and 
200  children.  The  provisions  for  so  many  would 
have  cost  about  8,000  R.  D.,  and  at  least  three  or 
four  vessels  would  have  been  needed  for  the  trans- 
portation of  this  number.    So  much  capital  could 


152  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

not  be  raised,  and  the  project  appears  to  have  re- 
ceived but  little  attention. 

But  preparations  for  an  expedition  on  a  smaller 
scale  went  on.  The  Gyllene  Ha'}  was  purchased  in 
Holland  with  full  rigging,  and  a  large  cargo  was 
bought  there.  In  March  the  ship  sailed  for  Goth- 
enburg, whence  it  was  to  proceed  to  America  at 
an  early  date.  The  Fama  was  also  to  be  pre- 
pared; but  for  some  reason  the  Gyllene  Haj  made 
the  voyage  alone.  In  May,  1646,  the  TIaj  weighed 
anchor  and  spread  her  canvas  for  Christina  on 
the  Delaware.  She  had  a  stormy  voyage,  and  did 
not  arrive  in  the  colony  before  October  1,  having 
lost  her  sails,  top-mast,  and  several  implements. 
* '  The  master  of  the  ship,  the  mate  and  all  the  crew 
except  one  man  were  sick,  so  that  according  to 
their  reports  they  would  all  have  been  lost,  if  they 
had  not  reached  land  when  they  did."  The  sailors 
were  long  in  recovering,  and  the  vessel  was  not 
repaired  until  December.  The  return  voyage  was 
delayed  by  ice  in  the  river,  and  the  departure  was 
not  made  until  the  beginning  of  March.  The  cir- 
cumstances of  the  homeward  journey  are  un- 
known, but  the  ship  reached  Gothenl)urg  in  June, 
and  in  the  autumn  slie  proceeded  to  Stockholm 
with  her  cargo  of  tobacco. 


THE  REORGANIZED  AMERICAN   COMPANY  153 

V. 

Cargoes  for  a  new  expedition  liad  been  ordered 
before  the  Haj  returned  to  Europe  in  164-7  and, 
since  the  crops  in  New  Sweden  largely  failed  in 
1646,  a  quantity  of  rye-flour  was  purchased  for  the 
needs  of  the  colony.  Orders  were  given  to  fit  out 
the  Fama,  but  she  was  found  incapable  of  making 
the  long  journey,  and  the  Swan  was  selected  in- 
st^ead.  In  the  early  summer  Beier  and  Kramer 
were  busy  in  Stockholm  preparing  the  vessel,  and 
on  August  12  she  had  gone  to  sea.  She  probably 
arrived  at  Gothenburg  towards  the  end  of  the 
month.  In  the  meantime  the  cargo  for  the  Indian 
trade  had  been  shipped  from  Holland  and  placed 
in  the  care  of  Hans  Macklier.  Johan  Papegoja, 
who  acted  under  instruction  to  collect  colonists 
and  hire  soldiers,  was  but  moderately  successful, 
and  few  emigrants  embarked  on  the  ship.  This 
expedition  was  prepared  in  less  time  than  usual 
and  the  vessel  set  sail  on  the  twenty-fifth  of  Sep- 
tember. The  expedition  seems  to  have  escaped 
violent  storms  and  to  have  suffered  no  casualties, 
as  the  vessel  arrived  in  first  class  condition  at 
Fort  Christina  some  time  in  the  autumn. 

The  Sican,  having  been  prepared  in  the  early 
spring,  left  Fort  Elfsborg  on  May  IG  with  a  valu- 
able cargo  of  skins.  On  the  nineteenth  she  passed 
Cape  Henlopen,  making  for  the  open  sea,  and  on 


154  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE   DELAWARE 

June  13  she  was  within  view  of  Plymouth,  having 
crossed  the  Atlantic  in  less  than  a  month.  On  the 
seventeenth  the  passengers  sighted  Jutland  and 
the  Scandinavian  shores.  The  ship  proceeded  to 
Stockholm  without  entering  the  harbor  of  Gothen- 
burg, and  arrived  at  the  capital  on  July  3. 

The  journals,  account-books  and  salary  rolls, 
covering  the  period  from  February,  1643,  until 
March,  1648,  were  taken  to  Sweden  on  the  Sivan 
by  Mans  Kling.  They  were  delivered  to  the 
book-keeper  Hans  Kramer,  who  copied  them  into 
the  official  books  of  the  company,  and  made  an  in- 
ventory of  the  assets  and  liabilities.  From  the 
balance-sheets  it  w^as  found  that  the  liabilities  were 
41,331  R.  D.  and  the  assets  31,332  R.  D.,  showing 
a  loss  of  9,399  R.  D.  It  was  thus  clear  that  the 
finances  of  the  company  were  not  in  the  best  condi- 
tion. The  tobacco  excise,  which  had  been  assigned 
to  meet  the  salaries  of  the  officers  and  soldiers  in 
the  colony  amounted  to  only  about  one-half  of 
the  annual  budget  and  even  this  money  (except 
1. ()()(.)  ]).)  was  used  by  the  government  for  repairs 
in  the  Royal  Palace  at  Stockholm.  As  many  com- 
])laints  were  made,  the  Queen  finally  resolved  that 
the  excise  money  due  the  company  should  be 
turned  over  to  the  treasurer,  and  other  arrange- 
ments wore  made  to  relieve  the  financial  embar- 
I'assment. 


THE   REORGANIZED   AMERICAN   COMPANY  155 

VI. 

On  April  6,  1648,  letters  from  New  Sweden 
were  read  in  the  session  of  council  in  which  Printz 
again  asked  for  more  colonists  and  merchandise, 
and  in  the  summer  came  a  letter  from  Papegoja 
with  the  Swan  in  which  he  requested  permission  to 
return  to  Sweden  unless  ships  and  people  would 
soon  arrive.  As  a  result  of  these  reports  and  let- 
ters it  was  decided  to  send  out  another — the  ninth 
expedition. 

Early  in  1649  the  government  was  requested  to 
fit  out  the  Kalmar  Nyckel  at  its  own  expense  and 
at  the  earliest  opportunity  (as  the  admiralty  was 
several  thousand  D.  in  arrears  to  the  company). 
But  the  Kalmar  Nyckel  was  old  and  unserviceable 
and  it  became  expedient  to  repair  and  equip  the 
Katt  (the  Cat)  "for  the  journey  to  Virginia." 

Reports  of  wonderful  opportunities  for  settlers 
ill  New  Sweden  were  at  this  time  circulated  among 
the  people  through  letters  or  oral  communications, 
and  after  1648  emigrants  in  abundance  were  will- 
ing to  embark  on  the  ships.  There  is,  for  instance, 
a  petition  in  the  Royal  Archives  presented  by  one 
Mats  Ericksson  from  Varmland  on  behalf  of  200 
Finns,  "who  re(|uested  Her  Royal  Majesty  to  send 
them  to  New  Sweden  for  the  cultivation  of  the 
country."  New  Sweden  was  still,  however,  looked 
upon  as  an  undesirable  place  for  officers  and  sol- 


T56  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

diers  ill  tlie  em])Ioy  of  the  erowii.  In  July,  1648, 
Lars  Kagg  wrote  to  the  chancellor  that  300  men 
of  a  certain  regiment,  who  had  remained  at  home 
out  of  stubbornness,  should  be  punished  in  order 
to  set  an  example  to  others.  "And  as  one  finds," 
he  said,  "that  they  have  a  great  dread  of  New 
Sweden,  it  would  be  profitable  to  send  some  of 
them  there,  when  a  ship  sails  back."  It  is  likely 
that  a  number  of  these  drafted  and  disloyal  sol- 
diers were  ordered  to  New  Sweden  on  the  ninth 
voyage. 

Some  seventy  colonists  including  many  women 
were  selected  from  a  large  number  of  applicants. 
Among  the  more  prominent  of  these  were  the  Eev. 
Matthias  Nertunius,  the  book-keeper  Joachim 
Lycke  with  his  family,  the  barber-surgeon,  Timon 
Stidden,  Commander  Hans  Amundsson  with  fam- 
ily, Johan  Rudberus,  and  Hans  Persson.  Hans 
Amundsson  was  sent  to  the  colony  in  the  capacity 
of  a  commander.  Cornells  Lucifer  was  captain 
on  the  vessel  and  Jan  Jansson  Bockhorn  was  first 
mate. 

After,  as  it  would  seem,  much  unnecessary  delay 
the  cargo  was  loaded  into  the  ship  at  Gothenburg. 
(*annon  and  large  quantities  of  ammunition  ac- 
cording to  the  lists  and  specifications  of  Governor 
I'rintz  were  also  put  on  board  and  provisions  esti- 
mated for  twelve  months  were  stored  in  the  holds. 

The  ship  was  ready  to  sail  on  Sunday,  July  2, 


THE   REORGANIZED  AMERICAN    COMPANY  15^ 

1649, ' '  but  some  liindrauce  occurred. ' '  Uu  tlie  fol- 
lowing day,  however,  she  ran  out  of  the  harbor 
under  a  favorable  north-west  wind.  The  course 
led  close  by  England,  through  the  Spanish  sea  and 
"the  Eastern  Passage."  Drawing  near  to  the 
AVest  Indian  Islands  the  captain  decided  to  land 
at  Antigua  for  the  purpose  of  replenishing  the 
supply  of  fresh  water.  No  fresh  water  could  be 
had,  but  the  Swedes  were  kindly  treated  by  the 
English  Governor.  From  Antigua  they  proceeded 
to  St.  Christopher,  where  they  laid  to  on  August 
21.  Here  water  and  other  refreshments  were  plen- 
tiful and  freely  given  by  the  governor  of  the 
island.  Thereupon  the  ship-council  resolved  to 
buy  a  few  lasts  of  salt  at  St.  Martin  and  on  the 
twenty-second  of  August  they  cast  anchor  there. 
On  Saturday  evening  August  26,  they  were  again 
ready  to  continue  their  voyage.  As  soon  as  the 
captain  came  on  board  he  ordered  sails  spread,  but 
one  of  the  passengers  was  missing,  and  Amunds- 
son  and  the  other  ofiicers  implored  the  captain  not 
to  leave  port  before  all  the  passengers  were  on 
the  ship.  In  the  night,  however,  when  Amundsson 
was  asleep,  he  weighed  anchor.  An  excellent  wind 
filled  their  canvas  all  that  night  and  the  next  day, 
and  the  ship  sped  straight  on  its  way  like  a  modern 
steamer.  But  on  the  second  evening  they  came 
into  dangerous  waters.  About  two  o'clock  at 
11  night  the  schooner  struck  a  cliff  with  a  crashing 


158  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

noise,  lustantly  everybody  was  on  deck.  Aniunds- 
son  and  other  officers  anxiously  requested  tlie  cap- 
tain to  lower  sails  and  bring  the  ship  to,  but,  like 
Dumas'  Captain  Chubin,  he  simply  answered  *'it 
will  all  pass  over,"  A  second  shock  was  felt,  how- 
ever, and  again  the  officers  clamorously  demanded 
the  captain  to  furl  sails  and  proceed  no  further; 
but  he  said:  "I  am  well  acquainted  here,  it  will  all 
pass  over."  But  there  was  a  third  shock  and  a 
crash  and  a  long  cry;  a  clilf  had  penetrated  the 
prow  and  the  ship  stuck  on  a  rock.  In  the  hope  of 
floating  her  they  threw  the  ballast  over-board. 
Later  the  water  and  salt  from  St.  Martin  were 
given  to  the  waves,  but  the  ship  remained  on  the 
cliff.  As  day  approached  the  people  could  see  land 
about  thirteen  miles  away,  a  small  uninhabited 
island,  some  eighty  miles  from  Porto  Eico. 
Thither  women  and  children  were  taken  in  life- 
boats, but  the  men  stayed  on  the  ship.  In  the 
meantime  a  severe  storm  arose  making  it  neces- 
sary to  cut  down  the  masts  to  prevent  the  wind 
breaking  the  ship  in  two.  The  following  morn- 
ing the  provisions  were  removed  from  the  ship 
and  she  was  abandoned  by  the  men,  who  joined 
the  women  on  shore.  The  ship-wrecked  ones  were 
now,  however,  in  a  miserable  plight,  as  they 
"could  not  find  a  drop  of  water  on  the  island." 
"We  had  to  lick  the  stones  with  our  tongues,"  says 


THE   REORGANIZED  AMERICAN   COMPANY  1 59 

the  narrator  of  their  misfortunes.  Such  was  their 
condition  for  eight  days. 

"On  Thursday  following  which  was  August  31," 
a  small  bark  passed  within  a  mile  or  two  of  the 
island.  The  Swedes  fired  tvro  distress  signals  for 
help,  but  the  bark  set  its  course  on  Porto  Rico  to 
report.  From  there  two  Spanish  ships  were  sent 
to  the  Swedes,  who  were  asked  what  people  they 
were  and  whence  they  came.  In  response  the 
Swedish  pass  was  produced;  but  the  Spaniards 
pretended  never  to  have  heard  of  Sweden  and  chal- 
lenged the  unfortunate  people  to  fight  or  sur- 
render, says  Rudberus.  Water  and  other  refresh- 
ments were  given  to  them,  however,  and  they 
were  taken  on  board  their  foundered  ship.  The 
Spaniards  promised  Amundsson  that  both  cargo 
and  provisions  would  be  left  undisturbed,  but, 
getting  on  board  the  Swedish  clipper,  they  took 
everything  in  sight.  Not  being  content  with  this, 
they  pulled  the  clothes  off  their  victims,  men  and 
women  alike,  to  seek  for  money  and  other  valu- 
ables. 

On  September  1,  the  Swedes  were  ordered  to  the 
pumps,  as  the  ship  was  leaking.  Rev.  Nertunius, 
who  also  took  part  in  the  pumping,  had  on  a  pair 
of  old  trousers  and  carried  some  money  in  his 
stockings.  In  order  to  deceive  the  Spaniards, 
making  them  believe  that  he  had  on  no  trousers, 
he  let  his  shirt  hang  outside,  and  stood  in  this 


l6o  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

manner  pnmping  water,  wliich  caused  great  merri- 
ment among  the  Swedes.  Wlien  the  Spanish  com- 
mander, however,  discovered  that  he  was  a  clergy- 
man, he  gave  him  some  clothes  and  a  cap,  ''but 
they  called  him  papist  am  perro  Lutheran."  On 
September  3,  the  shipwrecked  people  were  landed 
in  the  city  of  Porto  Rico,  and  led  to  the  market 
place  "with  drums  and  pipes  and  great  noise." 
"A  large  fire  was  made  on  which  all  the  Swedish 
books  were  burnt."  Amundsson  complained  of 
their  treatment  before  Governor  de  la  Riva.  The 
latter  assured  Amundsson  that  had  he  (De  la 
Riva)  been  present  i^ersonally,  the  property  of  the 
Swedes  would  not  have  been  taken  and  their  treat- 
ment would  have  been  of  a  diiferent  kind — a 
rather  useless  consolation.  He  promised  to  set 
the  Swedes  free;  but  their  goods  and  possessions 
could  not  be  restored.  Shortly  afterwards  the 
Swedes  despatched  letters  and  two  representa- 
tives to  Stockholm  to  report  their  condition  and 
request  the  government  to  send  a  vessel  to  their 
aid.  In  the  meantime  a  Dutch  captain,  Diedrick 
Diedricksen,  arrived  at  Porto  Rico  with  a  cargo 
of  slaves.  He  promised  to  give  the  Swedes  pas- 
sage on  his  lugger  either  to  America  or  to  Hol- 
land, but  as  he  Avas  about  to  sail  the  governor 
made  a  prize  of  him,  took  his  money  and  decided 
to  send  his  ship  to  the  King  of  Spain  as  a  gift. 
The  Swedes  then  obtained  permission  to  go  on  the 


THE   REORGANIZED  AMERICAN   COMPANY  l6l 

vessel  to  Spain.  A  passport  was  prepared  for 
tliem,  and  they  were  instructed  to  be  in  readiness 
for  embarking.  On  the  governor's  assurance  they 
carried  their  possessions  to  the  pier,  but  when 
they  were  about  to  depart  the  governor  was  ill. 
He  issued  no  orders  and  the  city  council  decided 
to  allow  no  one,  except  Amundsson,  to  go  on  board. 
Amundsson  refused  to  leave  without  his  people, 
but  he  was  compelled  to  remain  on  the  ship.  Sol- 
diers took  his  family  on  board,  ''and  left  us  with 
.great  lamentation  and  cries  standing  on  the 
shore, ' '  says  Rudberus. 

As  time  went  on  other  colonists  found  means  to 
leave  the  island,  and  in  April,  1650,  a  happy  op- 
portunity presented  itself  for  the  remaining  ones 
to  depart.  The  city  captured  a  little  bark,  which 
was  purchased  by  "Rudberus  and  Joran  Dufva. 
The  governor  issued  passports  for  them  and  pro- 
vided some  provisions.  Towards  the  end  of  April 
or  the  besinning  of  May,  the  remnant  of  the  ship- 
wrecked Swedes,  in  all  twenty-four  souls,  set  sail. 
Their  object  was  to  reach  St.  Christopher,  whence 
they  howd  to  be  able  to  go  with  some  Dutch  skip- 
per either  to  "NFew  or  Old  Sweden.  Near  the  island 
of  St.  Trnz  tbev  met  a  French  bark,  the  oflRcers  of 
which  boarded  their  vessel.  The  Swedish  Dass- 
nort  was  Q-rppfpd  with  derision  and  torn  to  pieoo^!, 
but  the  Srianish  passport  was  preserved.  The 
Swedes  were  then  taken  ashore.     Their  few  be- 


l62  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

longings  were  divided  among  the  French,  who 
''fought  like  dogs  over  it,"  and,  if  the  account  of 
Rudberus  be  true,  the  Swedes  were  submitted  to 
the  most  inhuman  torture.  They  were  conducted 
to  the  governor,  who  searched  their  clothing  for 
money  and  other  valuables.  In  order  to  intimi- 
date the  unfortunate  people  (and  for  his  own 
amusement)  he  caused  some  of  the  Swedes  to  be 
bound  to  posts,  and  commanded  his  soldiers  to  dis- 
charge their  rifles  near  them.  The  women,  who 
were  kept  in  a  room  by  themselves,  ''cried  out 
aloud  and  wept  bitterly,  fearing  their  men  had 
been  killed."  Later  Rudberus,  Joran  Dufva,  one 
Andreas  and  the  mate  were  bound  with  their 
hands  on  their  backs  and  suspended  on  hooks 
about  a  yard  from  the  ground  for  two  nights  and 
two  days,  until  "their  bodies  were  blue  and  the 
blood  pressed  out  of  their  fingers." 

"Now  our  women  and  boys  had  concealed  some 
money  and  pearls  down  in  the  ground,"  says  Rud- 
berus, "which  became  known  to  tlie  French, 
wherefore  the>"  tortured  and  tormented  us  fear- 
fully, screwed  off  the  fingers  with  pistol  locks, 
burnt  the  feet  of  the  women  on  red  hot  plates, 
sold  us  all  away  in  the  country,  the  one  here,  the 
other  there,  and  also  forbade  anyone  to  speak  to 
the  other."  A  certain  woman,  of  whom  the  gov- 
ernor was  enamored,  was  killed  bv  his  command, 


THE   REORGANIZED  AMERICAN   COMPANY  163 

after  lie  had  illicit  relations  with  her  against  her 
will.     Many  other  atrocities  were  committed. 

In  the  meantime  a  Dutch  bark  put  into  St.  Cruz 
for  a  supply  of  fresh  water.    The  bark  was  made  a 
prize  by  the  French,  but  it  was  later  returned  to 
the  skipper,  who  set  sail  for  St.  Christopher.    At 
the  time  of  his  arrival  there,  two  brothers  Johan 
Clausen   from   Rotterdam   and  Andreas   Clausen 
from  Amsterdam,  were  in  the  harbor  trading  with 
tobacco.    The  skipper  related  to  them  the  miseries 
and  the  sufferings  of  the  Swedes.    Touched  by  the 
story  they  asked  permission  from  the  governor  to 
bring  the  imprisoned  Swedes  from  St.  Cruz.    The 
governor  doubted  the  report,  as  he  had  had  no 
news  of  the  matter,  yet  he  gave  them  a  passport 
together  with  an  order  for  the  release  of  the  pris- 
oners, if  they  should  be  found.    One  of  the  broth- 
ers provided  the  ship,  and  the  other  supplied  pro- 
visions and  sailors.    When  they  reached  St.  Cruz 
only  five  out  of  the  twenty-four  were  alive,  Johan 
Rudberus,   two   women  and   two   children.     The 
women  and  children  were  at  once  placed  on  board 
the  ship,  but  Rudberus  had  been  sold  to  a  captain 
for  500  lbs.  of  tobacco.     He  managed  to  escape, 
however,  through  the  aid  of  a  German,  and  went 
on  board  the  ship  at  night ;  but  he  was  discovered 
by  the  owner,  who   demanded  and  received  his 
500  lbs.  of  tobacco  for  the  claim  of  "his  slave." 
They  left  the  island  the  same  day.     The  day  fol- 


1 64  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE   DELAWARE 

lowing  the  two  women  and  tlie  oldest  child  died. 
The  other  child  was  then  given  to  the  care  of  a 
French  woman,  but  did  not  live  long.  At  St. 
Christopher  ''Captain  Johan  Clausen  put  me  on 
])oard  his  ship,  and  took  me  safely  to  Holland,  and 
there  showed  me  much  kindness,"  says  Rudberus. 
Only  nineteen  of  the  colonists  besides  a  few  offi- 
cers and  soldiers  ever  saw  their  native  land  again. 
Rudbenis,  who  was  among  the  last  to  reach 
Sweden,  arrived  at  Stockholm  in  the  autumn  of 
1651.  Amundsson  having  landed  safely  in  Spain 
with  his  family  went  thence  to  Holland  (where  we 
find  him  in  July)  and  from  there  to  Stockholm. 
Lycke  and  Rev.  Nertunius  made  their  way  to  the 
capital.  Timon  Stidden  managed  to  reach  Ams- 
terdam with  his  wife  and  five  children,  but  in  the 
most  miserable  circumstances.  From  Holland  he 
was  taken  to  Sweden  by  Captain  Boender.  Lycke, 
Amundsson  and  Rev.  Nertunius  made  oral  reports 
at  Stockholm,  and  numerous  others  corroborated 
the  doleful  tales. 

AVhen  the  Thirty  Years'  War  had  been  brought 
to  a  clos<\  Sweden,  anxious  to  gain  the  friendship 
of  all  ujdions,  sent  ]\rathias  Palbitsky  to  <'ongratu- 
late  the  King  of  S])ain  on  the  conclusion  of  peace, 
and  to  establish  a  fast  friendship  between  the  two 
countries,  as  well  as  to  arrange  trade  relations. 
Before  I^ilbitsky  de])arted  news  arrived  from  the 
shipwrecked  Swedes  in  Porto  Rico.    An  inventory 


THE   REORGANIZED  AMERICAN   COMPANY  1 65 

was  made  of  the  damages,  according  to  which  the 
loss  of  the  govermnent  was  estimated  at  4,670 :43 
R.  D.  and  private  accounts  "of  persons  in  the  ser- 
vice of  the  crown"  at  297:21-  R.  D.,  making  a 
total  sum  of  5,069:19  R.  D.  (but  the  clahns  of 
the  company  were  omitted).  This  bill  was  deliv- 
ered to  Palbitsky  for  presentation  to  the  Spanish 
King. 

Palbitsky 's  mission  was  successful.  The  King 
took  up  the  question  at  once,  wrote  to  the  governor 
of  Porto  Rico,  and  consulted  with  his  West  In- 
dian commercial  council  about  it.  In  the  autumn 
he  again  wrote  to  the  governor,  and  informed  his 
"commercial  house  at  Seville"  that  the  ship  must 
be  released  and  the  prisoners  set  free.  But  tlie 
King's  letter  had  no  immediate  effect.  The  Swedes 
had  by  that  time  left  the  island  or  died;  and,  as 
there  was  no  one  to  press  the  claims  the  governor 
would  not  pay  it. 

The  matter  was  allowed  to  rest  for  a  while,  but 
in  1653,  when  pre]~)arations  were  begun  for  a  new* 
expedition  to  the  Delaware,  it  was  decided  that 
one  o\^  the  sliii^s  should  go  by  way  of  Porto  Rico 
to  claim  damages  for  the  Knit.  Tlans  Am.undsson 
was  ap])ointed  to  collect  the  bills  and  connnaud 
the  expedition,  hut  he  was  later  removed  from  his 
commission,  and  Elswick  appointed  in  his  stead. 
A  new  estimate  was  made,  which  with  interest 
footed  up  to  the  sura  of  33,669 :19  R.  D.    Elswick 


t^6  THE  SWEDES  ON  THE  DELAWARE 

was  instructed  to  present  these  claims  at  Porto 
Eico;  and,  if  tlie  Spaniards  would  not  pay  all,  he 
should  accept  part  of  the  amount  and  leave  the 
rest  to  be  paid  later. 

Elswiek  arrived  at  Porto  Rico  on  June  30', 
1654.  He  was  well  received  by  the  authorities,  be- 
ing called  into  the  ])resence  of  the  governor  upon 
his  arrival  and  he  seems  to  have  been  confident  of 
success.  Having  worked  four  days  upon  his  doc- 
uments and  accounts  and  added  many  private  bills, 
he  presented  a  claim  of  52,206  R.  T).  This  was  a 
much  larger  sum  than  the  King  of  Spain  had  or- 
dered to  be  paid,  and  more  than  the  governor  could 
raise.  Elswiek  would  not  accept  the  Spanish  esti- 
mates, and  no  agreement  could  be  reached.  On 
the  fifteenth  of  August  the  Swedish  vessel  left  the 
island  without  accom])lisliing  its  mission.  Xo  fur- 
ther effort  seems  to  have  been  made  at  least  not 
for  a  time,  and  in  1763  the  claim  against  Spain 
had  not  been  collected. 

The  expedition  of  1649,  which  Printz  was  so 
anxiously  awaiting,  and  which,  had  it  arrived  in 
New  Sweden,  might  have  had  considerable  influ- 
ence on  the  history  of  the  colony,  was  thus  not 
only  entirely  useless,  but  tended  to  crii~>])le  the 
company  and  curtail  its  activity.  Had  the  ship  ar- 
rived in  New  Sweden,  the  events  of  1651  might 
not  have  taken  place.  Fort  Casimir  might  not 
have  been  built,  and  possibly  Stuyvesant's  expedi- 


THE   REORGANIZED   AMERICAN   COMPANY  ^6^ 

tion  of  1655  would  not  have  been  made ;  for  then 
Rising  would  have  had  no  fort  to  capture,  and 
Stuyvesant  no  capture  to  avenge. 

vn. 

As  soon  as  news  of  the  shipwreck  reached 
Stockholm,  the  officer  of  the  company  thought  of 
sending  a  cargo  from  Holland  to  the  Delaware  at 
an  early  date.  Several  thousand  florins  were  sent 
to  Peter  Trotzig,  ''as  a  beginning,"  for  which  he 
was  ordered  to  buy  goods,  and  in  September  "it 
was  daily  expected  that  a  resolution  would  be 
passed  by  the  council  of  state  to  send  a  cargo 
from  Holland  to  New  Sweden."  But  for  some 
cause  no  such  resolution  was  passed  and  no  cargo 
was  prepared. 

At  the  same  time  preparations  were  also  begun 
for  a  new  expedition  to  New  Sweden.  There  seems 
to  have  been  money  in  the  treasury  of  the  com- 
pany. The  Gyllene  Haj  which  had  been  riding  at 
anchor  since  1648  was  painted  and  repaired,  but 
the  preparations  were  discontinued.  The  reasons 
are  not  clear.  Perhaps  the  government  was  at 
fault.  Oxenstierna  who  was  now  old  lacked  his 
former  activity  and  capacity  for  work,  and  Queen 
Christina  paid  more  attention  to  court  festivi- 
ties, balls  and  pageants  than  to  matters  of  state. 

In  the  autumn  of  1650  letters  again  arrived 
from  Governor  Printz,  stating  that  he  had  heard 


1 68  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

nothing  from  Sweden,  although  he  had  written 
four  times.  The  condition  of  the  country  was 
good,  but  there  was  a  great  want  of  people.  In 
November  Sven  Skute,  who  had  been  sent  to  make 
a  report,  arrived  in  Stockholm;  but  neither  the  let- 
ters of  Printz  nor  the  presence  of  Skute  seem  to 
have  given  much  impetus  to  the  efforts  that  were 
lieing  made  on  behalf  of  the  colony,  and  nearly  a 
year  passed  before  preparations  were  begun  for 
a  new  journey. 

In  the  auti:mn  of  1651  there  was  again  some 
activity  in  the  matter.  Large  quantities  of  goods 
were  shipped  to  Gothenburg,  but  months  passed 
by,  and  no  expedition  was  in  sight.  In  the  spring 
of  1652,  however,  the  government  showed  signs  of 
interest  in  its  little  forsaken  colony  on  the  South 
River,  and  on  March  16  the  Queen  was  present  in 
the  council  chamber  to  discuss  the  colonial  busi- 
ness. Tjicutouant  Skute  and  several  others,  ac- 
(luaiuted  with  the  condition  in  New  Sweden  and 
the  doiugs  of  the  company,  were  called  into  the 
chamber  to  give  reports  and  ex]n-ess  their  o])in- 
ions.  Plans  were  then  formulated  for  aiding  Gov- 
ernor Printz.  Colonists  were  now  easily  obtained, 
for  many  had  expressed  a  desire  to  settle  in  Amer- 
]rn.  Some  Dutch  had  also  applied  for  permis- 
sion to  settle  on  the  Delaware,  and  the  chancellor 
was  of  opinion  that  they  should  l)e  allowed  to  do 
so,  provided  their  number  was  not  too  large.     It 


THE   REORGANIZED  AMERICAN  COMPANY  169 

was  also  suggested  that  the  Commercial  College 
should  assume  ''the  care  of  the  trade  to  New  Swe- 
den," and  its  members  were  to  present  plans  for 
the  development  of  the  colony  and  the  cultivation 
of  the  land. 

On  March  18  the  Queen  was  again  present  in 
the  council  chamber,  and  it  appears  that  the  ses- 
sion was  considered  important.  Letters  from  Gov- 
ernor Printz  were  read,  reporting  that  Stuj^vesant 
had  "invaded  New  Sweden,  bought  land  from  the 
Indians  already  purchased  by  the  Swedes,  and 
erected  a  fort"  within  Swedish  limits.  The  gov- 
ernor also  complained  bitterly  against  "the  out- 
rages" of  the  Dutch,  saying  that  Stuyvesant  dis- 
respected Her  Royal  Majesty's  authority,  ob- 
structed the  traffic,  demanded  toll  from  strangers, 
stirred  up  the  Indians  against  the  Swedes,  and 
personally  incited  the  freemen  of  New  Sweden  to 
renounce  their  oath  of  allegiance  and  join  the 
Dutch  mider  pain  of  being  driven  "from  house 
and  home."  Immediate  relief  was  therefore  re- 
quested, and  some  soldiers  with  two  warships 
were  asked  for  to  be  stationed  in  the  Delaware 
for  two  years.  The  first  business  of  the  council 
was  to  discuss  these  reports.  The  point  to  receive 
most  attention  was  of  course  the  Dutch  hostilities. 
It  seems  that  some  of  the  councillors  proposed  to 
dispatch  a  force  at  once  to  the  Delaware  to  drive 
the  Dutch  from  the  river,  as  the  minutes  of  the 


r-jo  THE  SWEDES  ON  THE  DELAWARE 

council  say:  "then  Her  Majesty's  idea  was  that 
the  States  General  should  first  be  approached  for 
a  settlement,"  No  immediate  steps  were  taken, 
and  the  subject  was  dropped  for  the  time  being 
with  the  chancellor's  remark  "that  the  case  was 
well  worth  considering."  As  may  be  inferred 
from  the  Queen's  statement,  the  matter  led  to 
some  diplomatic  correspondence;  but  the  Dutch 
representative  at  Stockholm  as  well  as  the  States 
General  gave  evasive  answers  to  the  Swedish  gov- 
ernment, and  the  matter  was  allowed  to  rest. 

A  few  days  after  the  above  conference  the  Queen 
ordered  tlie  admiralty  to  fit  out  the  Siucm  for  a 
"new  journey  to  the  West  Indies."  But  as  the 
ship  was  too  old  the  company  prepared  its  own 
vessel,  the  Gyllene  Haj.  The  officers  were  active 
in  the  spring  and  summer,  but  the  ship  still  lay  at 
anchor  in  Gothenburg  harbor  when  autumn  came. 

In  the  winter  new  letters  arrived  from  Governor 
Printz.  The  Dutch  pressed  hard  upon  him.  They 
had  settled  forty  families  on  the  crown's  territory, 
and  the  English  also  threatened  to  appear  in  the 
river  with  great  force.  For  five  years  he  had  had 
no  merchandise  to  sell  to  the  Indians,  who  con- 
sequently were  becoming  restless  and  dangerous. 
The  colonists  were  dissatisfied  and  many  had  de- 
serted. Water  had  damaged  the  grain  and  sup- 
])lies  must  be  bought  from  the  Dutch  and  English 
at  double  prices.    The  neighbors  said  openly  that 


THE   REORGANIZED  AMERICAN   COMPANY  17  I 

the  settlement  was  forgotten  and  entirely  neg- 
lected by  the  home  government.  On  top  of  it  all 
Printz  was  ill  and  indisposed  to  remain. 

These  letters  introduced  another  period  of  ac- 
tivity at  Stockholm  on  behalf  of  the  colony.  In 
May  Kramer  made  an  inventory  of  the  stores  at 
Gothenburg,  which  were  ready  to  be  shipped,  and 
in  June  several  expenses  are  recorded  in  connec- 
tion with  preparations  for  a  journey.  About  the 
same  time  Kramer  had  the  Gijllene  Haj  painted, 
rigged  and  thoroughly  repaired.  Disappointment, 
however,  was  again  in  store  for  those  interested 
in  New  Sweden.  The  journey  was  abandoned,  and 
an  interval  of  inactivity  again  ensued.  Nothing 
more  was  done  the  following  winter,  spring  and 
summer.  In  the  autumn  of  1653  new  interest  was 
manifested  in  the  colony  and  the  American  trade, 
but  this  belongs  to  a  later  chapter. 

VIII. 

During  this  decade  (1643-1654)  the  company 
engaged  in  the  trade  of  salt  and  copper  besides  its 
usual  beaver  and  tobacco  traffic.  The  copper  was 
sold  in  Holland  and  the  salt  in  Finland.  The 
beaver  trade  was  comparatively  small,  and  only 
one  large  cargo  of  skins,  that  of  1648,  was  shipped 
to  Sweden  from  the  colony. 

The  consuanp.tion  of  tobacco  increased  enor- 
mously in  Sweden  from  1638  to  1643,  and  smug- 


172  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

gling  was  a  profitable  busiuess.  The  ordinances 
of  the  government  were  disregarded,  and  tobacco 
"in  large  quantities  was  secretly  brought  into  the 
countrj^  by  sea  and  land."  In  the  beginning  of 
1(543  conditions  were  going  from  bad  to  worse.  In 
April  the  government  published  a  new  ordinance. 
Tobacco  imported  by  others  than  the  companj^ 
would  be  confiscated  and  a  fine  of  four  ore  silver 
money  per  lb.  would  be  imposed  on  the  owner 
of  the  tobacco  or  on  "the  skipper  on  whose  ship 
the  tobacco  was  found,"  in  case  the  owner  could 
not  be  discovered.  Accordingly  the  New  Sweden 
Company  continued  to  be  the  sole  importer  and 
was  to  be  the  exclusive  distributor  of  tobacco  in 
the  kingdom  directly  or  through  agents. 

In  June,  1643,  a  tobac^^o  company  was  organ- 
ized which  was  given  exclusive  right  for  six  years 
to  sell  tobacco  in  any  part  of  Sweden  or  its  de- 
pendencies. During  these  years  the  New  Sweden 
Company  was  to  sell  its  tobacco  to  the  Tobacco 
Company,  which  on  the  other  hand  promised  to 
buy  all  its  supplies  from  the  former  concern.  The 
contract  further  stipulated  that  the  Tobacco  Com- 
pany was  to  supply  every  locality  of  the  kingdom 
and  to  employ  residing  burghers  in  the  diffoiont 
cities  as  agents,  as  far  as  those  could  be  found, 
except  at  Kopparberget,  where  it  had  a  right  to 
station  its  own  salesmen  and  erect  its  own  public 
stores.    All  kinds  of  tobacco  were  included  under 


THE   REORGANIZED  AMERICAN    COMPANY  1^3 

llie  contract;  bill,  the  New  Swedeu  Compauy  re- 
tained the  privilege  of  selling  powdered  tobacco 
or  snuff  to  apothecaries,  who  in  turn  could  sell  it 
to  the  public. 

In  June  Bonnell  sold  about  23,000  lbs.  to  the 
Tobacco  Company  which  continued  during  the 
next  five  years  to  buy  large  quantities  annually. 
As  the  supply  from  New  Sweden  was  insufficient, 
Bonnell  ordered  thousands  of  pounds  from  Hol- 
land. Complaints  were  soon  heard,  however,  that 
tobacco  was  imported  and  sold  in  quantities, 
against  the  mandates  of  the  government.  New 
resolutions  were  issued,  but  the  illegal  importation 
was  not  checked.  Finally,  in  the  autumn  of  1649, 
the  government  withdrew  the  privileges  given  to 
the  New  Sweden  Company,  and  permitted  the  free 
importation  and  sale  of  tobacco  by  everyone, 
whether  Swede  or  foreigner,  on  payment  of  duty. 
As  a  result  the  Tobacco  Company  was  practically 
dissolved. 

But  it  soon  became  evident  that  unrestricted 
importation  of  tobacco  was  impracticable.  To- 
bacco was  smuggled  into  the  kingdom  in  larger 
quantities  than  ever,  and  the  excise  was  materially 
reduced.  It  was  therefore  decided  to  restore  the 
old  privileges  to  the  New  Sweden  Company.  A 
new  Tobacco  Company  was  also  organized,  and 
fresh  regulations  were  published.  But  all  efforts 
to  regulate  the  trade  and  prevent  smuggling  were 


174  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

of  no  avail.  In  April,  1653,  the"  privileges  of  the 
New  Sweden  Company  were  once  more  annnlled, 
and  the  tobacco  trade  was  again  free. 


Johan  Printz,  Governor  of    New  Sweden.     From  the  portrait  presented  by   King 
Gustaf  V.  to  the  Swedish  Colonial  Society. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

The  Social  and  Economic  Life  of  the  Colony 
Under  Governor  Printz,  1643-1653. 

I. 

Commander  Bidder,  with  his  few  soldiers  and 
colonists,  was  quietly  passing  the  winter  of  1642-3 
at  Fort  Christina.  The  new  year's  festivities 
were  over.  An  occasional  hunting  expedition,  the 
daily  morning  and  evening  prayers,  and  now  and 
then  an  Indian  visit  were  almost  the  only  diver- 
sions in  the  monotonous  life.  Storm  and  snow 
swept  over  the  territory  of  New  Sweden  on  the 
sixth  and  seventh  of  February,  and  the  colonists 
remained  around  the  fire-places  in  their  log  cabins. 
But  the  sun  appeared  again,  the  snow  melted,  and 
all  was  as  before,  half  spring,  half  winter,  for  the 
climate  of  the  Delaware  is  generally  undecided  at 
this  time  of  the  year. 

About  the  beginning  of  February  we  may  sup- 
pose that  the  Indians  carried  news  to  the  little  set- 
tlement that  ships  had  appeared  in  the  river. 
Were  these  Swedish  vessels  or  Dutch?  Of  course 
the  Indians  did  not  know.     But  hope  revived  the 


\y6  f    THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

drooping  spirits ;  the  vessels  might  be  from  Goth- 
enburg. Eager  eyes  spied  the  Delaware  for  days 
and  about  noon  on  February  15  two  ships  plowed 
slowly  up  the  river  with  a  slight  breeze  astern. 
Every  man  in  the  fort  watched  the  sails.  There 
was  a  bustle  and  hurry  everywhere.  The  news 
spread,  and  the  colonists  came  running  in  from 
their  plantations.  Sui"e  enough  the  Swedish  colors 
were  displayed  from  tlie  topmasts.  In  an  instant 
the  gold-blue  cross-banner  was  flung  to  the  breeze 
on  the  flag  pole  of  Christina  fort,  and  a  shout  of 
welcome  greeted  the  Sirau  and  the  Fama,  as  they 
passed  the  mouth  of  Fish  Kill.  At  two  in  the  af- 
ternoon the  ships  anchored  in  Christina  harbor, 
and  the  passengers  and  sailors  went  ashore.  Eev. 
Torkillus  with  his  entire  flock  stood  on  the  bridge 
to  receive  them,  and  (Jovernor  Kidder  surrounded 
by  his  little  staff  did  homage  to  the  arriving  gov- 
ernor, while  some  Indian  lurking  behind  the  pine 
trees  on  the  island  was  watching  the  scene.  The 
passengers  were  greeted  with  tears  of  joy,  and  the 
hand-shakings  seemed  never  to  cease.  But  to 
work,  to  work!  There  were  cargoes  to  be  un- 
loaded and  horses  and  cattle  to  be  landed.  Until 
evening  the  work  went  on.  Shelter  was  sought  for 
the  new-comers,  but  some  slept  on  the  ship  for 
want  of  I'oom  in  the  dwellings.  The  fires  were  fed 
longer  than  usual  tliat  evening,  and  the  candles  or 
fir-torches  were  kept  burning  till  morning  hours. 


SOCIAL   AND   ECONOMIC  LIFE   OF   THE  COLONY      177 

News  from  Sweden,  from  relatives  and  friends 
was  desired,  tlie  progress  of  the  war,  the  victories 
won  by  Swedish  armies,  what  new  decrees  had 
been  issued,  what  new  taxes  levied,  who  among 
the  relatives  and  acquaintances  of  the  colonists 
had  been  drafted  and  sent  to  German  battlefields 
— such  and  a  hundred  other  questions  we  may  be 
sure  were  asked.  And  when  the  settlers  were  told 
of  the  great  victories  at  Glogau,  at  Schweidnitz 
and  at  Breitenfeld,  and  the  glorious  exploits  of 
Torstensson  and  Baner,  their  patriotism  rose 
within  them,  and  they  were  proud  of  belonging  to 
such  a  nation  and  of  being  its  representatives  in 
the  New  World.  But  the  journey  across  the  ocean 
was  not  forgotten.  The  sufferings  on  the  way 
from  Gothenburg  to  Godyn's  Bay  were  related, 
and  the  storms  and  mishaps  of  the  Horn  Kill  were 
described.  Gradually  the  night  came  on ;  the  fires 
went  out ;  the  tired  travellers  were  soon  asleep  and 
all  was  quiet. 

In  the  early  morn  everybody  was  at  work  again. 
In  the  afternoon  all  the  people  were  assembled  in 
Fort  Christina.  Bidder  delivered  his  authority  to 
Governor  Printz,  and  the  instructions  and  orders 
of  the  Swedish  Government  were  read  in  the  pres- 
ence of  the  people.  Within  the  next  few  days  the 
commissioners  were  busy,  making  an  inventory  of 
the  merchandise  in  the  storehouse  and  preparing 
for  the  return  voyage  of  the  ships. 


1 78  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

Spring  was  rapidly  approaching.  The  newly 
arrived  freemen  were  anxious  to  begin  the  erec- 
tion of  buildings  and  the  clearing  of  forests,  and 
the  governor  desired  to  select  the  location  for  a 
new  fort.  For  these  reasons  as  well  as  to  be  able 
to  make  a  report  from  personal  observation,  Gov- 
ernor Printz,  in  company  with  Ridder,  some  sol- 
diers and  perhaps  an  Indian  guide,  "passed  over 
the  territory  of  New  Sweden  first  from  Cape  Hen- 
lopen  unto  Bomkin's  Hook  and  thence  all  the  way 
up  to  Sankikan. ' '  This  inspection  gave  the  gover- 
nor a  good  idea  of  the  land.  He  took  notice  of 
the  parts  most  adapted  for  farms,  and  as  soon  as 
possible  the  new  colonists  were  assigned  places  for 
clearing  ground  and  building  homes. 

To  safeguard  the  colony  against  attacks,  how- 
ever, were  the  first  duties  of  the  governor.  His 
instruction  directed  him  to  build  ''a  new  strong- 
hold either  at  Cape  Henlopen  or  on  Jaques' 
Island  or  at  any  other  suitable  place,  so  that  the 
South  River  could  be  closed  and  guarded  by  it. 
He  was  ordered  to  keep  the  title  of  the  territory 
at  Varkens  Kill  intact  and  to  assert  the  author- 
ity of  the  Swedish  Government  over  the  English 
residing  there.  To  erect  a  fortress  near  the  Brit- 
ish settlement  would  be  one  of  the  most  effective 
means  of  asserting  this  authority,  and  the  strong- 
hold could  serve  the  main  and  additional  purpose 
pf  closing  the  river  against  intruders.     Accord- 


SOCIAL   AND    ECONOMIC  LIFE   OF   THE  COLONY       1 79 

ingly  about  March  1,  a  convenient  spot  was  se- 
lected on  the  eastern  shore  of  the  Delaware,  a  little 
south  of  Mill  Creek  on  an  island  of  Upland  (the 
present  ''Elsinburg  Fort  P'oint"),  and  prepar- 
ations for  laying  the  foundation  timbers  were  at 
once  begun.  The  work  was  rushed  to  such  an 
extent  that  on  May  6,  foreign  vessels  were  com- 
pelled to  strike  their  flag  before  the  fort.  When 
the  cannon  had  been  placed  in  position  a  Swedish 
salute  was  given,  and  the  stronghold  was  called 
Fort  Elf sb org.  It  was  an  earthwork  constructed 
''on  the  English  plan  with  three  angles  close  to 
the  river,"  and  *'the  carpenter  made  a  beautiful 
gate  to  it."  ''Eight  twelve-pound  iron  and  brass 
guns  and  one  mortar,"  the  largest  ordnances  in 
the  colony,  were  planted  upon  its  walls.  It  was 
the  best  garrisoned  fort  of  New  Sweden  and  Sven 
Skute,  next  in  rank  to  Printz,  was  placed  in  com- 
mand. 

In  the  spring  of  1643  the  English  settlement  at 
Varkens  Kill  was  on  the  point  of  brealdng  up, 
being  harassed  by  sickness.  It  is  therefore  prob- 
able that  these  colonists  were  not  unwilling  "to 
swear  allegiance  to  the  crown  of  Sweden"  when 
Gov.  Printz  arrived.  At  any  rate  some  remained 
"as  Swedish  citizens"  and  continued  to  cultivate 
their  maize  and  tobacco. 

Printz  lived  at  Christina  for  a  few  months,  but 
he  had  a  right  to  choose  his  place  of  residence,  and 


i8o  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

as  soon  as  the  work  at  Varkens  Kill  was  under 
way,  he  began  the  erection  of  a  dwelling  on  Tini- 
cmn  Island,  and  made  jDrovision  for  the  fortifica- 
tion of  the  place.  This  fortress  was  ready  towards 
the  end  of  July  or  the  beginning  of  August  and 
the  name  New  Gotlienhorg  was  given  to  it.  It  was 
"made  of  hemlock  beams,  laid  one  upon  the 
other,"  and  it  was  armed  with  ''four  small  cop- 
per cannon. ' '  It  was  built  near  the  water 's  edge 
on  a  high  point  of  Tinicum,  and  its  guns  com- 
manded the  river.  As  it  was  not  favorably  lo- 
cated for  protecting  the  little  settlement  on  the 
island  against  Indian  attacks,  a  large  storehouse 
was  built  on  the  land  side,  in  such  a  manner  that 
the  soldiers  could  hold  the  savages  at  bay  from 
there,  if  the  war  cry  should  ever  startle  the  peace- 
ful community. 

A  blockhouse  was  also  built  on  an  elevated  part 
of  Upland,  about  twelve  miles  north  of  Christina, 
where  some  colonists  had  been  given  land,  and 
Christer  Boije  was  placed  in  command  there. 

In  the  meantime  Fort  Christina  was  repaired 
and  put  in  a  state  of  defence,  but  the  armament 
remained  the  same  as  before.  The  princii>al  store- 
house continued  to  be  there,  and  it  was  (he  center 
of  activity  in  New  Sweden  for  a  long  time. 

Governor  Priiitz  also  turned  his  attention  to 
other  matters.  About  the  middle  of  April  he  made 
his  first  repoi't  to  the  government  concerning  the 


storehouse,  (now    at    Skansen,  Stockholm),  showing    the   extended  "balcony"  and 
the  "log-ladder"  leading  up  to  it. 


SOCIAL  AND  ECONOMIC  LIFE  OF  THE  COLONY  l8l 

condition  of  the  colony  and  tlie  situation  and  na- 
ture of  the  land.  He  found  that  ''it  was  a  re- 
markably beautiful  country  with  all  the  glories  a 
person  could  wish  for  on  earth,  and  a  pity  and  re- 
gret that  it  was  not  occupied  by  true  Christians. 
It  was  adorned  with  all  kinds  of  fruit-bearing 
trees.  The  soil  was  suitable  for  planting  and  sow- 
ing, and  if  Her  Majesty  would  but  make  a  serious 
beginning,  the  colony  would  soon  become  a  de- 
sirable place  to  live  in." 

Printz  was  anxious  to  make  proper  use  of  this 
"suitable  soil"  and  of  the  many  advantages  found 
there,  and  it  is  probable  that  land  was  allotted  to 
some  of  the  colonists  as  early  as  March.  New  set- 
tlements were  made  at  Finland,  Upland  (Chester), 
Tequirassy,  Tinicum  and  Province  Island  (within 
present  Philadelphia),  and  here  the  freemen  la- 
bored to  found  new  homes  surrounded  by  fertile 
fields.  Tinicum  Island  was  cleared  and  prepared 
for  Printz 's  private  use,  and  a  plot  of  ground 
was  set  aside  on  the  mainland  for  the  company, 
where  the  hired  or  indented  servants  worked. 

A  strange  sight  met  the  eye  of  the  savage  chief, 
who  visited  the  western  banks  of  the  Delaware 
from  Christina  to  New  Gothenborg  in  the  spring 
of  1643.  His  ancient  hunting  grounds  were  being 
transformed;  his  primeval  forests  were  giving 
way  to  fields  and  cultivated  acres.  The  stillness 
of  the  early  morning  was  broken  by  the  sound  of 


l82  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

the  woodman's  axe,  whose  echoes,  answered  from 
various  quarters,  were  interrupted  now  and  then 
by  the  crash  of  falling-  trees.  For  a  moment  all 
was  quiet,  the  woodman  looked  at  the  felled  tree 
as  if  to  measure  its  length,  then  the  axe  was  again 
put  into  play,  the  branches  and  limbs  were  strip- 
ped from  the  trunk  and  thrown  into  a  pile  to  be 
burnt,  the  trunk  was  measured  and  the  top  cut  off, 
— a  log  fit  to  be  placed  in  the  wall  of  a  new 
building  was  ready.  Gradually  the  branches  and 
other  rubbish  were  burned  or  removed  from  the 
clearings,  and  the  freemen  in  due  time  sowed  their 
grain  or  planted  their  corn  and  tobacco. 

Printz  was  instructed  to  plant  tobacco,  so  that 
it  would  not  be  necessary  to  buy  it  from  the  Eng- 
lish merchants,  when  the  ships  returned  to  Swe- 
den. But  Eidder  advised  the  governor  to  plant 
com  in  large  quantities,  saying  that  ''one  man's 
planting  would  produce  enough  com  for  nine 
men's  yearly  food."  With  this  in  view  Governor 
Printz  planted  com  on  almost  all  available  ground 
in  1643;  but  a  number  of  small  tobacco  patches 
were  also  prepared,  and  an  expert  tobacco  planter 
was  engaged  at  a  wage  of  thirty-five  florins  a 
month.  The  Swedish  freemen  probably  followed 
the  example  of  their  governor,  largely  planting 
corn  on  their  fields  and  but  little  tobacco.  It  is 
likely  that  they  also  sowed  at  least  some  grain. 


SOCIAL  AND  ECONOMIC   LIFE  OF   THE  COLONY      183 

The  English  at  Varkens  Kill  principally  culti- 
vated tobacco. 

Printz  was  instructed  to  keep  peace  with  his 
neighbors,  as  far  as  possible,  and  to  give  free  and 
undisturbed  course  to  the  correspondence  already 
begun  by  his  predecessor.  He  was  to  try  to  supply 
the  Indians  with  such  articles  as  they  needed  and 
desired,  and  he  was  to  endeavor  to  win  their  trade 
by  underselling  the  English  and  Dutch.  He  was 
to  treat  them  with  humanity  and  kindness,  and  to 
prevent  his  people  from  doing  them  any  harm,  so 
as  to  gain  their  confidence  and  good  will.  The 
beaver  traffic  was  to  be  conducted  for  the  benefit 
of  the  company,  and  freemen  and  others  were  pro- 
hibited from  trading  with  the  savages.  In  all  this 
Printz  was  successful  as  long  as  means  were  at  his 
disposal.  He  arrived  in  New  Sweden  on  February 
15.  In  May  he  had  begun  dealings  with  the  In- 
dians, and  presents  worth  twenty-two  florins, 
large  for  those  days,  were  presented  to  the 
Minquas  to  induce  them  to  trade  with  the  Swedes, 
as  well  as  to  inspire  their  confidence.  At  the  same 
time  sewant  valued  at  607  florins  were  exchanged 
for  972  bushels  of  Indian  corn,  and  additional 
gifts  were  given  to  some  Indians  for  carrying  the 
corn  to  Christina.  Many  other  commercial  trans- 
actions were  made  with  the  natives  during  May. 

The  Sivan  and  the  Fama  were  probably  ready  to 
set  sail  for  Europe  in  April,  although  but  a  small 


1 84  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE   DELAWARE 

cargo  had  been  obtained.  Several  officers  and  sol- 
diers left  the  colony  on  the  vessels,  some,  however, 
with  the  intention  of  returning.  Printz  sent  his 
first  relation,  made  requests  for  large  supplies  and 
more  people,  and  despatched  Johan  Papegoja  to 
give  an  oral  report. 

Since  the  Sir  an  and  the  Fana  carried  only  small 
cargoes  to  the  colony  in  1643,  Printz  found  it 
necessary  to  buy  cloth  and  other  merchandise  from 
the  English  and  Dutch.  In  May  John  Willcox, 
who  had  been  informed  of  the  arrival  of  the 
Swedish  expedition,  came  from  Virginia,  and 
offered  a  great  variety  of  goods  for  sale  at  reason- 
able prices.  On  May  22  he  sold  a  bark  of  10  lasts 
burden,  2  fowling  pieces,  82  yards  of  sail  cloth, 
862 V2  yards  of  seicant,  144  knives,  3  kettles,  15 
axes  and  a  variety  of  other  things,  in  all  valued  at 
7,224  florins.  Henrick  Huygen,  who  was  now 
making  strenuous  efforts  to  obtain  cargoes  for  the 
returning  ships,  bought  3,000  lbs.  of  tobacco  from 
a  ''Virginian  merchant  by  the  name  of  Moore", 
then  trading  in  the  river.  Towards  the  end  of 
May  a  commercial  journey  was  made  to  New  Hol- 
land. Henrick  Huygen  and  Christer  Boije  were 
sent  there  to  buy  supplies  for  the  colony,  and  to 
capture  several  deserters.  Beaver  skins  and 
,^('iv(iiif  were  used  for  the  current  expenses  of  the 
voyage,  for  beaver  skins  and  wampum  were  the 
currency  ii^  these  early  days.     Huygen 's  boardj 


^f^. 


1^^ 


J-^-i..-^  j^o.- 


-i 


i  y 


jh-' 


r  7 


■ —  7^    acf    r}-z. 

-J-/  ^>  "<7> 


^^k.'^P^ 


Bill  of  lading,  showing  the  number  of  beaver  skins  and  hogsheads 
of  tobacco  shipped  from  New  Sweden  in  July,  1644.  Ori^^inal,  signed  by 
JohanPrintz  and  Hendrick  Huygen,  preserved  in  N.  S.'I.  (R.  A.),  Stock- 
holm. 


SOCIAL  AND  ECONOMIC  LIFE  OF  THE  COLONY  J  85 

which  consisted  of  smoked  pork,  bread  and  butter 
and  peas,  cost  nine  beaver  skins,  valued  at  sixty- 
three  florins  and  for  his  lodgings  at  the  inn  in  New- 
Amsterdam  he  paid  five  skins.  The  sails  of  the 
bark,  which  had  been  torn  by  the  wind,  were  re- 
paired at  the  cost  of  six  beaver  skins.  Several 
purchases  of  cloth  and  seirant  were  also  made. 

The  deserted  settlers  could  not  be  captured  im- 
mediately, as  they  were  in  hiding  about  twenty 
miles  from  New  Amsterdam.  They  had  been  dis- 
covered by  some  Indians,  however,  who  informed 
Huygen  of  their  whereabouts.  There  was  an 
understanding  between  the  governors  of  the  neigh- 
boring colonies  that  deserters  should  be  detained 
and  returned,  or  at  least  given  up  when  officers 
arrived  to  fetch  them  back.  Accordingly  the  Dutch 
governor  placed  no  obstacles  in  the  way  of  Huygen 
and  Boije.  In  fact  the  Dutch  provost  marshal 
was  employed  to  capture  the  runaways,  who  were 
taken  to  the  Swedish  sloop  and  guarded  by  Dutch 
soldiers,  until  the  vessel  sailed  for  New  Sweden. 

In  the  beginning  of  May  an  English  bark  sailed 
up  before  Fort  Elfsborg.  The  fort  was  in  course 
of  construction,  and  Printz  was  there  to  superin- 
tend the  work.  The  governor  demanded  the  pass 
of  the  skipper  and  the  crew,  and  "when  he  ob- 
served that  they  were  not  right  in  their  errands  he 
took  them  (yet  with  their  own  will)  to  Christina 
to  buy  flour  and  other  provisions  from  them,  ex- 


t86  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

amining  them  until  a  maid  confessed  and  betrayed 
them. ' '  Tliereupon  they  were  arrested,  and  an  in- 
ventory was  made  of  their  goods.  They  were  ser- 
vants of  "Governor  Edmund  Plowden",  who  was 
then  in  America.  In  the  winter  or  early  spring  of 
]  643,  Plowden  bought  one-half  part  of  a  bark  from 
Phillip  White  at  Kikitan.  About  May  1  he  loaded 
his  ship  with  flour  and  other  provisions  and  sailed 
from  Heckemak  to  Kikitan  with  a  crew  of  six- 
teen people.  But  the  skipper  conspired  with  the 
sailors  against  him,  and  made  for  Cape  Henry  in- 
stead of  Kikitan.  On  their  way,  however,  they 
landed  Sir  Edmund  on  Smith's  Island  "without 
food,  clothes  and  arms,  where  no  people  nor  other 
animals  except  wolves  and  bears  lived."  Two 
young  noblemen,  having  been  educated  by  Plow- 
den, escaped  from  the  bark  and  remained  with 
their  master.  Four  days  later  an  English  sloop 
by  chance  sailed  within  calling  distance  of  the 
island,  and  rescued  the  unfortunate  victims.  Plow- 
<lcn  was  taken  to  Heckemak,  where  he  soon  re- 
covered, although  "he  was  half  dead  and  black  as 
the  ground."  Shortly  afterwards  the  sloop  which 
rescued  the  party  was  sent  out  to  look  for  the 
criminals,  carrying  letters,  not  only  to  Governor 
Printz  but  to  all  the  governors  and  commanders 
along  the  coast.  The  vessel  visited  New  Sweden 
some  time  in  the  summer.  Printz  delivered  the 
])risoners,  b;irk  and  property  to  the  English  com- 


SOCIAL  AND  ECONOMIC   LIFE   OF   THE  COLONY      1S7 

mancler,  and  presented  a  bill  of  425  R.  D.  for  in- 
curred expenses.  The  prisoners  were  taken  to 
Virginia,  where  the  principal  instigators  were  shot 
as  traitors.  Edmund  Plowden,  although  not  suc- 
cessful in  his  attempts  at  settlements  on  the  Dela- 
ware, gave  commission  to  English  ships  to  trade 
freely  in  the  river;  but  Printz  "allowed  none  of 
t  hem  to  pass  Fort  Elf  sborg. ' ' 

In  June  and  July  William  Cox  and  Richard  Lord 
traded  in  the  South  River  and  sold  large  quantities 
of  goods  to  the  Swedes.  Lamberton  also  continued 
his  trade  there,  even  after  his  plantation  on  the 
Schuylkill  had  been  destroyed;  and  about  the 
middle  of  June  he  arrived  in  the  Delaware  with  his 
pinnace  the  Cock.  On  June  22,  1643,  he  presented 
a  protest  to  the  Swedes,  asserting  that  he  had 
bought  the  lands  on  the  Schuylkill  from  the  right- 
ful owner,  and  in  a  second  protest  he  laid  claim  to 
tlie  land  at  Varkens  Kill.  It  is  not  known  whether 
or  not  Printz  answered  these  protests,  but  he  was 
soon  given  an  opportunity  for  testing  these  rights 
and  definitely  disproving  them,  at  least  from  his 
])oint  of  view. 

Lamberton  was  riding  at  anchor  with  his  ship 
the  Cock  about  three  miles  above  Fort  Christina, 
where  he  was  trading  with  the  Indians.  Early  in 
the  morning  on  June  26,  as  the  governor  came 
fiom  his  prayers,  Timon  Stidden  and  Gotfried 
Harmer  brought  a  report  that  Lamberton  had 


1 88  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE   DELAWARE 

bribed  the  Indians  to  murder  the  Swedes  and 
Dutch  and  to  destroy  their  settlements.  The  gov- 
ernor immediately  set  about  to  investigate  the 
report.  He  sent  Stidden  and  Banner  as  spies  on 
board  the  Pinnace,  and  wrote  a  letter  to  Lamber- 
ton,  stating  that  a  savage  "the  day  before  had 
stolen  a  gold  chain  from  the  governor's  wife,  and 
that  the  governor  did  entreat  Mr.  Lamberton  to 
use  means  to  get  it  again  of  the  Indians."  Since 
many  savages  were  about  to  trade  with  Lamberton 
the  following  day,  the  Swedish  agents  desired  to 
stay  on  board  the  vessel  over  night,  "so  that  they 
might  see  those  who  came  to  barter  their  skins  and 
try  to  discover  among  them  the  one  who  had  stolen 
the  chain",  he  being  easily  recognized  by  a  "mark 
in  his  face."  Their  request  was  granted,  but  of 
course  no  Indian  with  "a  mark  in  his  face"  ap- 
peared. Through  a  second  letter  Lamberton  was 
induced  on  some  "fained  and  false  pretences"  to 
appear  in  Fort  Christina  with  his  men.  The  Eng- 
lish were  arrested  on  their  arrival  and  put  into 
prison  for  about  three  days.  In  the  meantime 
preliminary  examinations  were  conducted  by  Gov- 
ernor Printz,  Van  Dyck  and  others,  who  tried  to 
draw  all  information  they  could  from  Lamberton 's 
inen  concerning  the  "planned  massacre."  Lam- 
berton's  Indian  interpreter,  John  Woollen,  was 
specially  subjected  to  close  examination,  but  noth- 
ing definite  could  be  ascertained. 


SOCIAL  AND   ECONOMIC   LIFE   OF   THE   COLONY      189 

The  English  were  finally  set  free,  presumably  on 
^he  promise  that  they  would  appear  at  the  court  of 
inquiry  to  be  held  in  t'ort  Christina  within  a  few 
days.  The  court  was  called  on  July  10,  1643,  and 
vvaA  made  up  of  English,  Swedish  and  Dutch  com- 
missaries. The  subject  of  inquiry  embraced  three 
main  paragraphs:  1.  Lamberton's  title  to  the 
Schuylkill  (being  most  important) ;  2.  the  English 
title  to  Varkens  Kill;  3,  the  accusations  against 
Lamberton  personally.  After  lengthy  exami- 
nations and  the  hearing  of  witnesses,  the  court 
handed  down  its  decision.  In  the  first  place  the 
court  found  that  "four  approved  witnesses,  on 
oath  and  by  relating  circumstances,  had  proved 
that  Lamberton  in  truth  had  bribed  the  Indians  to 
kill  the  Dutch  and  Swedes";  but  since  he  would 
not  confess  to  the  charge,  the  court  at  the  request 
of  the  plaintiff  dismissed  the  case.  Secondly  the 
court  was  agreed  that  "  it  had  been  completely 
established  from  the  documents  that  Lamberton 
by  right  possessed  no  place  at,  in  or  around" 
Delaware  River.  Thirdly  since  Lamberton  now,  a 
second  time,  had  purchased  beavers  from  the 
Indians  without  a  commission,  the  court  had  a 
right  to  confiscate  not  only  the  beavers  but  his 
other  goods  and  ship  as  well.  Yet  leniency  would 
be  observed  also  in  this  particular  and  only  a 
double  duty  would  be  demanded  on  the  400  beavers 
in  Lamberton's  possession,  with  the  understand- 


196  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   IVELAWAHE 

ing,  however,  that  if  he  traded  in  the  river  a  third 
time  without  permission,  his  ketch  and  cargo  would 
be  confiscated.  After  the  dismissal  of  the  court 
Lamberton  paid  the  duty  ' '  of  twelve  pounds  ster- 
ling in  the  hundred"  on  his  purchases  as  well  as  a 
few  other  bills  and  returned  home  with  his  people. 

The  Swedes  were  busy  during  the  summer  com- 
pleting their  cottages,  and  caring  for  their  small 
plantations.  Hay  was  cut  in  June  and  July,  and 
the  grain  was  harvested  a  little  later.  We  have 
no  means  of  knowing,  what  the  summer  of  1(U3 
was  like  nor  what  the  grain  crop  yielded ;  but  the 
corn  crop  was  poor.  Printz  writes:  "I  got  as 
well  on  the  one  plantation  as  on  the  other  from  the 
work  of  nine  men,  hardly  one  man's  nourislmient. " 
The  Swedes  undoubtedly  learnt  from  the  Dutch 
and  Indians  how  to  cultivate  and  use  the  corn,  and 
it  is  probable  that  later  ye^rs  brought  better 
results.  The  tobacco  crop  was  fair.  The  Eng- 
lish colonists  at  Varkens  Kill,  who  had  sworn 
allegiance  to  the  Swedish  crown,  could  sell  some 
2,451  lbs.  from  their  growth  of  1643,  and  the  expert 
tobacco-planter,  engaged  by  Printz,  "showed  good 
proofs  of  his  skill." 

In  agriculture  as  in  other  respects  thfe  customs 
of  Sweden  and  Finland  were  largely  adhered  to  by 
the  colonists  in  New  Sweden.  "Old  rye",  says 
Per  Brahe  in  his  Oeccmomia,  "should  be  sown 
from  Olaf 's  Mass  until  Lar's  Mass  and  New  rye  is 


SOCIAL  AND  ECONOMIC  LIFE  OF   THE  COLONY      191 

sown  in  August."*  A  great  deal  of  rye  was  thus 
put  into  tlie  ground  in  Sweden  and  Finland.  The 
grain  sprang  up,  and  the  fields  stood  green  for 
some  time  in  the  autumn.  When  the  frost  came 
the  sheep  were  often  let  loose  to  graze  on  the  rye 
acres,  if  the  sprout  was  thick  and  long  enough. 
The  winter  months  covered  the  field  with  a  white 
sheet  of  snow,  protecting  the  roots  of  the  grain 
against  the  severe  cold,  and  when  the  sun  melted 
the  snow  and  brought  warm  weather  to  the  north, 
the  rye  sprouted  again. 

This  method  was  now  to  be  employed  in  the 
colony  on  the  Delaware.  Indian  corn  could  be 
planted  without  plowing  or  much  work,  but  for  rye 
the  ground  had  to  be  broken  and  somewhat  pre- 
joared.  There  were  too  few  horses  and  oxen  in  the 
colony  for  farm  work,  and  too  little  grain  for  seed, 
but  the  deficiency  could  be  supplied  in  New  Nether- 
land.  Accordingly  another  journey  was  made 
thither  by  sea  towards  the  end  of  August.  Henrick 
Huygen  was  again  in  charge,  and  beaver  skins 
were  the  ready  money,  as  on  the  former  trip. 
Huygen  bought  7  oxen  in  New  Amsterdam  for  124 
beaver  skins,  valued  at  868  fl.,  and  1  cow  for  22 
skins  worth  154  fl.  He  also  purchased  75  bushels 
of  rye  for  32  beaver  skins.  Some  of  the  cattle 
were  led  across  the  country  to  New  Sweden  by  two 
Hollanders,  who  received  5  beaver  skins  for  their 

(*)     See  the  author's  Swedish  Settlements,  I,  313, 


192  THE  SWEDES   ON    THE   DELAWARE 

labors;  the  other  oxen  were  taken  by  sea  to  the 
colon}^  on  Governor  Kieft's  sloop,  also  at  the  cost 
of  5  beaver  skins. 

The  seed  and  the  oxen  arrived  rather  late,  and  it 
probably  took  some  time  (perhaps  towards  the 
middle  of  October)  before  the  plantations  were 
ready  to  be  sown.  One  bushel  of  seed  is  usually 
required  to  the  acre.  xVt  this  rate  at  least  75  or 
100  acres  were  put  into  rye  in  the  fall  of  1643  on 
the  farms  belonging  to  the  company.  The  free- 
men also  sowed  winter  rye  on  certain  tracts,  but  to 
what  extent  is  unknown.  In  the  late  autumn  more 
ground  was  cleared  and  prepared  for  fields.  The 
oxen  could  now  be  used  for  skidding  the  logs  into 
piles  to  be  burnt,  or  for  hauling  the  timber,  and 
the  building  of  houses  was  made  easier. 

In  September  a  journey  was  made  to  New  Eng- 
lang  to  buy  supplies  for  the  winter.  Some  Dutch 
and  English  merchants  also  came  to  the  colony 
during  the  autumn  for  purposes  of  trade.  The 
Minquas  and  other  Indians  likewise  bartered  with 
the  Swedes,  but  the  trade  was  not  large.  In 
October  the  well  known  Peterz.  de  Vries  visited 
Governor  Priutz  and  Avas  hospitably  entertained. 

Late  in  the  fall  "neither  Christian  nor  savage 
traders  came  to  New  Sweden."  Fort  Elfsborg 
w^as  completed,  and  several  thousand  feet  of  oak 
l^lanks  were  bought  from  the  English  for  use  in  the 
stronghold,  while  the  other  forts  were  repaired. 


SOCIAL   AND   ECONOMIC  LIFE   OF   THE  COLONY      193 

Barns  were  built  for  the  shelter  of  the  cattle,  and 
the  dwellings  of  the  freemen  were  improved. 
Many  of  the  swine  that  ran  wild  were  shot,  and 
hunting  expeditions  brought  in  a  supply  of  deer, 
wild  geese  and  other  game.  Some  provisions  were 
also  bought  from  the  Indians.  In  December  wood 
was  cut  to  last  till  spring,  and  ale  was  brewed  and 
other  preparations  made  for  Christmas. 

The  supply  of  food  was  poor  in  1643,  and  the 
hard  labor  and  change  of  climate  was  too  much  for 
the  people.  As  a  result  many  of  the  settlers  were 
ill  in  the  summer  and  autumn.  Printz  supplied 
Spanish  wine  and  various  other  articles  to  the  sick 
at  the  different  forts  and  settlements,  and  did  his 
utmost  to  alleviate  their  suffering;  but  one  officer, 
five  soldiers,  three  freemen  and  ten  servants,  be- 
sides the  Rev.  Torkillus,  died  between  July  and 
December. 

The  illness  of  the  people  was  a  great  drawback 
to  the  colony,  and  caused  the  governor  to  abandon 
many  of  his  plans.  In  the  spring  of  1643  timber 
had  been  cut  and  sawed  at  Elf sborg  for  a  keel-boat 
or  barge,  and  work  was  begun  on  it  in  June.  The 
indisposition  of  the  carpenters  delayed  the  con- 
struction, and  later  ''the  Indians  set  fire  to  the 
island  during  the  night  and  burnt  some  of  the 
timber." 

We  have  now  no  means  of  know^ing,  how  Gover- 
nor  Printz   and   his    colonists    spent   their   first 


194  THE  SWEDES  ON  THE  DELAWARE 

Christmas  and  New  Year  in  New  Sweden,  for  on 
these  things  the  governor  did  not  think  it  worth 
while  to  enlarge ;  but  these  holidays  were  probably 
observed  with  more  strictness  than  before  and  '  *  in 
the  good  old  Swedish  manner."  The  winter  seems 
to  have  been  passed  quietly.  The  grain  was 
thrashed  and  ground,  logs  were  cut  for  new  dwel- 
lings, barns  and  graineries ;  and  when  sowing  time 
came  the  area  of  ''improved  land"  had  somewhat 
increased.  -"■■•  s 

We  have  seen  that  Lamberton  and  his  men  were 
unfairly  dealt  with,  at  least  in  their  opinion. 
When  they  arrived  in  New  Haven  the}^  complained 
of  ill-treatment  at  the  hands  of  the  Swedish  gover- 
nor. The  complaints  were  presented  to  a  court 
held  in  New  Haven  on  August  2,  1643.  Lamber- 
ton made  an  oral  relation  of  his  experiences  before 
the  court,  and  accused  Printz  of  "reviling  the 
English  of  New  Haven  as  runigates"  and  of  try- 
ing by  threats,  the  promise  of  gifts  and  by  "at- 
tempting to  make  them  drunk  to  press  the  wit- 
nesses to  testify  that  Lamberton  had  hired  the 
Indians  to  cut  off  the  Swedes."  John  Thick- 
penny,  "mariner  in  the  Cock  with  George  Lamber- 
ton, being  duly  sworn  and  examined,"  was  called 
upon  to  testif j^  before  the  New  Haven  court.  He 
gave  a  long  report  of  the  "outrages"  committed 
by  Governor  Printz,  and  testified  on  oath  that  the 
Swedes  tried  to  make  John  Woollen  drunk,  so  n» 


SOCIAL   AND   ECONOMIC   LIFE   OF   THE  COLONY      195 

to  make  him  confess  what  he  did  not  know,  and  by 
threats  of  execution  on  the  charge  of  treason  and 
by  promise  of  gifts  endeavored  to  make  him  reveal 
something  about  Lamberton's  dealings  witli  the 
Indians. 

It  was  decided  to  present  the  complaints  before 
a  general  court  held  at  Boston  in  September,  and 
Theophilus  Eaton  and  Thomas  Greyson,  members 
of  the  New  Haven  Delaware  Company,  were  ap- 
pointed to  argue  the  case.  Eaton  and  Greyson 
summarized  the  com^ilaints  before  the  general 
court,  which  took  up  the  matter  among  its  first 
transactions.  It  was  decided  ''that  n  letter  be 
written  to  the  Swedish  governor,  expressing  par- 
ticulars and  requiring  satisfaction."  Accordingly 
Governor  John  Winthrop,  "as  Governor  of  the 
Massachusetts  and  President  of  the  Commis- 
sioners for  the  United  Colonists  of  New  Eng- 
land", wrote  a  lengthy  letter  to  Governor  Printz, 
setting  forth  the  English  title  to  the  whole  con- 
tinent and  to  Delaware  Bay  in  particular,  and  com- 
plaining that  the  English  already  settled  on  the 
South  River  had  been  driven  away  from  their 
property  or  forced  to  ''bind  themselves  by  an  oath 
to  the  Swedish  Crown."  The  complaints  of  Thick- 
penny  and  Lamberton  were  repeated  in  brief,  and 
satisfaction  was  demanded  for  the  injuries  done 
"to  the  allies  of  New  Haven."      "If  you  afford 


1 96  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

this  satisfaction",  says  Winthrop  in  closing,  **New 
Haven  will  send  at  the  first  opportunity  those  who 
will  treat  with  you  concerning  the  division  of  the 
boundaries  and  the  exercise  of  trade."  Special 
envoys  were  to  be  sent  to  New  Sweden  to  deliver 
the  letter,  and  ''Lamberton  was  given  commission 
to  go  and  treat  with  the  Swedish  governor  about 
satisfaction  for  his  personal  injuries." 

Captain  Nathanael  Turner,  who  apparently  had 
been  appointed  to  deliver  the  letter  to  Governor 
Printz,  arrived  at  Christina  in  the  beginning  of 
1644.  The  governor  was  greatly  concerned  about 
the  matter,  and  seems  to  have  called  a  court  almost 
immediately  to  dis])rove  the  accusations  against 
him. 

The  court  was  convened  in  January,  1(344.  A 
copy  of  the  minutes  (in  Dutch)  reads  as  follows: 
''Anno  1644,  on  January  16,  the  following  case 
was  examined  on  oath  upon  the  letters  of  the 
governor  of  New  England  to  the  governor  of  New 
Sweden  in  the  presence  of  the  following  good  men : 
Governor  Johan  Pi-intz,  Ca])tain  Christer  Boije, 
Cnptaiu  Alans  Kling,  ITenrick  Huygen,  Gregorius 
\;m  Dyclc.  Carl  Jaiisson,  Nathanael  Turner,  Isaac 
Alleiton."  'i'he  witnesses  called  l)efore  the  court 
denied  the  accusations  against  Governor  Printz. 
John  Woollen  also  confessed  that  he  had  in  no 
manner  been  [)revailed  u))on  ))y  any  of  the  Swedes 


SOCIAL  AND  ECONOMIC  LIFE   OF   THE  COLONY      197 

to  testify  falsely  against  Lamberton.  On  the  con- 
trary he  had  been  admonished  to  speak  the  truth 
and  told  "that,  if  he  were  found  false,  it  would 
risk  him  his  life."  The  other  charges  against 
Printz  were  similarly  denied  by  the  witnesses,  and 
the  English  at  Varkens  Kill  ''confessed  in  the 
]n'esence  of  the  messenger"  that  they  had  not  been 
driven  off  nor  urged  to  become  Swedish  subjects, 
but  of  their  own  accord  were  "inclined  to  devotion 
to  Her  Royal  Majesty."  The  testimony  of  Timon 
Stidden  and  "Gottfried  Harmer,  the  merchant- 
man", also  substantiated  the  Swedish  charges 
against  Lamberton  that  he  had  promised  to  sell 
arms  and  powder  to  the  Indians,  an  act  against  the 
laws  of  all  Christian  peoples. 

Copies  of  this  examination  and  court  proceedure 
as  well  as  that  of  the  previous  year  were  sent  to 
(lovernor  Winthrop,  accompanied  by  a  letter  in 
which  the  "Swedes  denied  what  they  had 
been  charged  with  and  used  large  expressions 
of  their  respect  to  the  English  and  particu- 
larly to  the  Massachusetts  Colony."  Governor 
Winthrop  acknowledged  the  receipt  of  the  letters 
and  documents  on  March  21, "accepting  and  thank- 
fully receiving  the  spirit  of  good  will  and  greatest 
friendship  displayed  towards  the  English  people", 
and  stating  that  he  was  not  at  liberty  to  reply  at 
length,  but  that  "ii  full  and  particular  response 


198  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

[could  be  expected]   at  the  next  meeting  of  the 
commissioners   [of  tlie  United  Colonies]."* 

IL 

The  5'ear  of  1643  was  successful  commercially 
and  otherwise,  but  the  colony  suffered  a  setback 
in  the  beginning-  of  1614.  The  Swedes  lacked  mer- 
cliandise  and  the  anticipated  expedition  failed  to 
arrive.  As  a  I'csult  the  company  sustained  a  loss 
of  over  20,000  i\.,  for  the  beaver  trade  went  to  the 
Dutch  and  English,  who  had  merchandise  in 
abundance.  The  Dutch  and  English  traders  con- 
tinued to  visit  the  colony  with  their  cargoes,  but 
they  demanded  and  received  very  high  prices,  as 
the  Swedes  had  no  alternative  but  to  buy  from 
them. 

In  March  tlio  Fania  at  last  arrived  with  a  large 
cargo.  A  (luanlity  of  cloth  and  stockings  had  been 
ruined,  while  lying  in  a  cellar  at  Gothenburg,  but 
a  large  number  of  articles  necessary  in  the  settle- 
ment were  landed  safely,  among  which  may  be 
mentioned  three  large  saws  for  a  saw-mill,  eight 
grind-stones,  one  pair  of  stones  for  a  handmill, 
one  pair  of  large  mill-stones,  five  anchors,  six 
])um])s  with  necessary  repairs  and  a  hide  of  ])unip 
leather,  twelve  small  and  eight  large  augers,  four 
compasses,  thirty-six  blocks,  two  hundred  and  fifty 

(*)  For  a  detailed  account  see  the  author's  Sroedish  Settle- 
ments, I,  382  ff. 


SOCIAL  AND  ECONOMIC  LIFE  OF   THE  COLONY      199 

copper  kettles,  several  barrels  of  lime  and  pitch, 
a  few  thousand  bricks,  two  hundred  barrels  of 
flour,  twenty  barrels  of  Spanish  salt,  ten  hogs- 
heads of  French  wine,  one  hogshead  of  brandy, 
several  hundred  yards  of  cloth  for  flags  and  for 
clothes  for  the  people,  ten  gilded  flag-pole  knobs, 
three  hundred  pairs  of  shoes,  two  hundred  pairs 
of  stockings,  one  hundred  and  forty-five  shirts,  be- 
sides a  variety  of  other  goods  and  merchandise. 
Johan  Papegoja,  two  young  nobleman,  Per  and 
Knut  Liljehok,  the  barber-surgeon  Hans  Janeke, 
a  number  of  soldiers  and  a  few  colonists  arrived 
on  this  expedition;  but  the  population  was  only 
slightly  increased,  since  others  returned  to  Sweden 
with  the  ship.  In  the  spring  of  1643  Printz  ap- 
plied to  the  government  for  a  grant  of  Tinicum 
Island.  The  council  of  state  complied  with  his 
request,  and  a  ''capital  donation  of  that  place 
called  Tinnaco  or  ISTew  Gothenborg  for  Printz  and 
for  his  lawful  heirs",  dated  November  6,  164o, 
was  on  the  vessel. 

Towards  the  end  of  March  Huygen  inventoried 
the  stock  in  the  storehouse.  The  Indian  trade 
could  begin  anew.  Messengers  were  sent  to  the 
aborigines  with  gifts  for  the  chiefs  and  sachems. 
The  traffic  was  so  lively  that  300  beaver  skins  were 
bought  in  the  Schuylkill  before  the  Fama  sailed, 
and  several  hundred  skins  were  purchased  at  other 
trading  posts.    Yet  the  g^reater  part  of  the  cargo 


200  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE   DELAWARE 

had  to  be  made  up  of  tobacco,  Ouly  about  5,000 
pounds  were  available  in  the  colony,  but  English 
merchants,  being  informed  of  the  matter,  came  to 
the  rescue,  and  offered  for  sale  several  thousand 
pounds  more  than  were  necessary.  These  mer- 
chants also  sold  quantities  of  other  goods,  partly 
for  beavers,  partly  on  credit. 

But  trade  and  commercial  activities  were  not 
allowed  to  interfere  with  agriculture  and  other 
domestic  duties.  The  old  plantations  were  en- 
larged during  the  winter  and  early  spring,  and  the 
forest  had  been  removed  on  comparatively  big 
areas  when  seeding  time  came.  New  ground  had 
been  cleared  "in  the  Schuylkill",  where  a  strong 
block-house  was  erected  for  the  safety  of  the 
settlers  who  resided  there.  The  block-house  prob- 
ably served  the  double  pur]:)Ose  of  a  dwelling  house 
for  the  lieutenant  and  his  men  and  of  a  store 
house  and  trading  post.  It  was  located  on  ''the 
island  in  the  Schuylkill",  where  Korsholm  was 
later  built,  ''and  little  stone  cannon*  were  placed 
upon  it."  Lieutenant  Mans  Kling  was  stationed 
there,  but  without  soldiers,  as  the  freemen  and  ser- 
vants of  the  place  were  called  upon  to  do  service 
in  case  of  need.  As  time  went  on  several  dwellings 
seem  to  have  been  ei-ected  in  the  neighborhood  of 
the  block -house. 

When  planting  time  drew  near  the  newly  cleared 

{*)     lion   cannon   throwing  stone   bullets. 


SOCIAL  AND  ECONOMIC   LIFE  OF   THE  COLONY      20 T 

plots  were  bi-oken,  and  the  slow  steady  oxen  could 
be  seen  plodding  their  way  among  the  stumps, 
where  the  plough,  "turning  over  the  sod,"  pre- 
pared the  soil  for  the  grain,  while  laborers  were  at 
work,  planting  tobacco  at  several  openings  in  the 
wood.  Since  the  Indian  corn  failed  to  produce 
desired  results  and  since  it  could  be  bought  cheaply 
from  the  savages,  none  was  planted  this  spring; 
and  all  the  corn  plantations  of  the  previous  year 
were  put  into  tobacco.  There  were  now  three  large 
plantations  in  New  Sweden  besides  one  or  more 
smaller  ones.  The  most  important  field  was  at 
Upland,  where  twelve  men,  including  the  expert 
planter,  were  engaged.  Christina  was  the  next 
largest  tobacco  tract,  and  eleven  planters  were  sta- 
tioned there,  while  seven  men  were  employed  to 
cultivate  the  plant  near  *'the  block-house  in  the 
Schuylkill." 

Not  only  was  agriculture  improved  and  placed 
on  a  more  prosperous  footing  with  the  arrival  of 
Printz,  but  cattle  and  horse  raising  was  looked 
after.  The  swine  which  had  been  allowed  to  run 
wild  were  partly  kept  in  pens  or  herded  by  Anders 
Mink  and  his  son.  The  horses  were  always  grazed 
on  enclosed  pastures,  but  the  cattle  were  allowed 
to  roam  at  large  through  the  woods  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  the  settlements  herded  l)y  Sven  Svens- 
son.  The  sheep  were  probably  confined  within 
fenced  areas,  as  it  was  difficult  to  keep  them  away 


20  2  ;     THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

i'roDi  the  fields  under  cultivation,  and  the  goats 
were  likely  chained  to  posts,  and  moved  from  place 
to  place,  or  allowed  to  follow  the  cattle  or  sheep. 
We  may  assume  with  a  fair  degree  of  certainty 
that  the  orchards  and  other  smaller  tracts  were  en- 
closed with  wooden  fences  to  keep  out  the  cattle, 
when  these  were  driven  home  at  night.  The  cattle 
were  kept  in  ' '  the  barn-yard ' '  during  the  night  to 
prevent  them  from  being  lost.  In  Sweden  the 
milking  was  done  by  the  women,  but  men  often  did 
it  in  the  colony,  where  they  were  compelled  to  per- 
form all  kinds  of  ' '  women 's  labor. ' ' 

In  accordance  with  his  instruction  Printz  also 
attempted  to  establish  manufactories.  Two  of  the 
three  regularly  employed  carpenters  had  been  ill 
most  of  the  winter  and  spring  of  1643-4,  but  the 
third  one  was  kept  busy  on  lighter  work,  and,  as 
soon  as  the  others  were  able,  they  made  ''two 
large  beautiful  boats,  one  for  use  at  Elfsborg  the 
other  at  Fort  Christina."  The  boats  were  built 
near  Fort  Christina,  where  a  wharf  had  been 
erected,  the  first  on  the  Delaware.  At  this  place 
Lauris,  the  Coopei*,  and  Lucas  Persson  made  bar- 
rels, wooden  milk  pails,  tubs,  tobacco  casks  "and 
other  cooper's  articles."  There  were  two  black- 
smith-shops in  New  Sweden  at  this  time,  one  at 
the  Upland  settlement  and  one  within  the  walls  of 
Fort  Christina.  The  blacksmith  Michel  Nilsson 
worked  at  the  former  place  and  Hans  Bosback  at 


the  latter.  These  two  men  made  new  tools  and 
farm-implements,  and  did  the  necessary  repairs  in 
the  colony. 

New  Sweden  was  now  on  a  prosperous  footing. 
As  snmmer  approached  the  conditions  greatly  im- 
[n'oved.  With  the  new  supplies  health  and  happi- 
ness returned  to  the  people,  and  tlie  hope  for  the 
future  w,?.s  bright.  The  colony  had  been  re-or- 
ganized and  divided  into  districts,  which  were  well 
protected  by  three  strong  forts  and  two  block- 
houses against  the  savages  and  the  attack  of 
foreign  vessels. 

Two  sloops  and  two  large  boats  were  available 
for  trading  expeditions  to  the  neighboring  colonies 
and  for  the  transportation  of  goods ;  and  it  is  likely 
that  the  freemen  had  small  boats  and  canoes  for 
fishing  and  for  going  from  place  to  place.  The 
windmill  ground  most  of  the  corn  bought  from  the 
Indians  as  well  as  the  grain  harvested  in  the 
colony.  In  June  Printz  wi'ote  that  ''Anders 
Dreijer  was  continually  in  the  mill",  and  it  is 
probable  that  he  continued  his  work  there 
throughout  1644. 

Much  was  still  wanting  in  the  settlement,  how- 
ever, and  Printz  asked  for  a  brickmaker,  a  wagon- 
maker,  a  tanner,  a  mason  and  a  fortification  engi- 
neer ( ?)  besides  20,000  bricks  and  various  other 
supplies;  and  Papegoja  suggested  that  the  com- 
pany should  send  over  more  "good  axes,  good 


2  04  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

thick  iron  spades,  good  hoes  to  hoe  up  the  ground 
with  and  another  kind  of  broad  hoes  with  which  to 
hoe  the  grass."  But  the  most  pressing  need  was 
for  people.  * '  There  is  a  great  cry  for  people,  for 
here  are  few,"  says  Papegoja,  and  Printz  likewise 
complained  that  there  were  entirely  too  few 
colonists. 

Several  improvements  w^ere  also  suggested  by 
Printz.  The  soldiers  and  servants  were  often  sup- 
plied from  the  goods  bought  from  foreign  mer- 
chants, who  visited  New  Sweden,  but  the  governor 
found  this  system  to  be  impractical,  since  the  com- 
pany in  this  manner  not  only  reduced  its  profits 
but  at  times  even  suffered  a  loss.  Hence  he  pro- 
posed the  erection  of  "a  trading  place  and  a 
shop,"  supplied  ''with  all  sorts  of  provisions, 
small  wares,  cloth  and  other  goods."  "A  wise 
and  faithful  man  [should  be  appointed  to  superin- 
tend it],  who  could  give  them  on  their  salaries  as 
much  [of  the  goods]  as  each  one  needed."  The 
trade  with  the  Indians  could  not  be  conducted  to 
advantage  w-ithout  a  supply  of  seicant.  As  the 
South  Iviver  Indians  were  poor  and  had  little  or 
no  "money,"  the  Swedes  w^ere  compelled  to  buy 
" scivant  from  New  Amsterdam  and  from  New 
England,  where  it  was  made."  Here  it  could  be 
bought  ch('a])Iy  from  the  savages,  and,  in  order 
that  the  comi)any  might  be  able  to  watch  the  mar- 
ket and  buy  the  wampum  direct  from  the  makers, 


Black  and  white  seirdnt  (wampum)  of  tie  Delawares  on 
strings.  From  the  Heye  Collection,  University  of  Pennsylvania. 
Photograph  used  by  the  courtesy  of  Dr.  Gordon. 


SOCIAL   AND  ECONOMIC  LIFE   OP   THE  COLONY      205 

Priutz  suggested  uiat  a  "laillii'ai  agent"  should 
be  permanently  stationed  at  the  above  mentioned 
j)laces. 

In  1G43  the  Dutch  at  Manathaus  captured  sev- 
eral Spanish  prizes  valued  at  over  50,UU0  B.  D., 
according  to  their  own  statements,  and  Printz  was 
of  opinion,  since  New  Sweden  was  better  situated, 
being  nearer  the  Spanish  colonies,  that  it  would  be 
to  the  advantage  of  the  government  to  have  a  good 
and  well  armed  ship  in  the  river  for  the  purpose  of 
preying  on  the  ' '  Spanish  silver  fleets. ' '  Governor 
Printz  embodied  his  suggestions  in  a  long  Report, 
and  made  a  list  of  the  things  necessary  in  the  set- 
tlement, as  the  Swan  was  about  to  set  sail  in  June. 

In  his  instruction  as  well  as  in  private  letters 
from  Sweden,  Printz  was  admonished  to  be  on 
friendly  terms  with  the  natives.  He  endeavored 
to  follow  these  directions,  and  he  was  invariably 
successful  in  keeping  peace  w^ith  the  red  men ;  but 
he  had  no  great  confidence  in  them.  In  a  letter  to 
Per  Brahe  he  describes  them  as  follow^s:  "They 
are  big  and  strong,  well  built  men;  paint  them- 
selves terribly  in  the  face,  differently,  not  one  like 
unto  the  other,  and  go  about  with  only  a  piece  of 
cloth  about  half  an  ell  broad  around  the  waist  and 
down  about  the  hips.  They  are  revengeful,  cun- 
ning in  dealings  and  doing,  clever  in  making  all 
kinds  of  things  from  lead,  copper  and  tin  and  also 
carve  skilfully  in  wood.     They  are  good  and  quick 


2o6  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

marksmen  with  their  arrows"'  and  above  all  are 
not  to  be  trusted. 

The  relations  between  the  Swedes  and  the 
Indians  were  not  always  peaceful.  The  savages 
had  attacked  the  Dutch  and  English  colonies  with 
success  in  1644,  and  the  tribes  in  New  Sweden  be- 
came proud  and  pretentious.  In  order  to  impose 
upon  them  and  make  them  believe  that  a  large 
number  of  Swedish  settlers  were  about  to  arrive, 
Printz  "told  them  the  whole  year"  that  he  ex- 
pected ships  with  a  great  many  colonists  and  large 
supplies.  Finding,  however,  that  only  one  ship 
arrived  with  few  colonists,  the  savages  took  cour- 
age, ''fell  in  between  Tinicum  and  Upland,  and 
murdered  a  man  and  [his]  wife  on  their  bed;  and 
a  few  days  later  they  killed  tw^o  soldiers  and  a 
w^orkman."  "But  w^hen  the  chiefs  saw  that  Printz 
assembled  his  peoi)le  to  avoid  future  attack,  they 
were  frightened,  collected  from  all  parts,  excused 
themselves,  saying  that  it  had  happened  w^ithout 
their  knowledge,  and  sued  for  joeace. "  Peace  was 
granted  them  on  the  condition,  says  Printz,  "that 
if  they  hereafter  committed  the  least  offence 
against  our  ])eople,  then  we  would  not  let  a  soul  of 
Ihem  live."  The  treaty  was  signed  by  the  chiefs 
.'Did  liK'cly  l)y  the  Swedes,  and  gifts  w^ere  exchanged 
accoi  ding  to  the  Indian  custom.  But  Printz  wrote 
that  "thev  trust  us  in  no  wise,  and  we  trust  them 


SOCIAL  AND   ECONOMIC  LIFE   OF   THE  COLONY      207 

still  less";  and  Papegoja  said  that  the  colony  was 
in  great  danger  from  the  savages. 

Governor  Printz  continued  to  treat  the  Indians 
with  consideration,  and  always  avoided  friction 
during  his  governorship;  but  this  was  of  necessity 
and  not  out  of  kindness  nor  love  for  them.  He  was 
a  warrior  with  a  warrior's  ideas,  and  the  best  way 
in  his  opinion  to  solve  the  Indian  problem  was  to 
exterminate  "the  Americans."  Accordingly  he 
proposed  in  view  of  the  troubles  of  1644,  that  a 
force  of  200  soldiers  should  be  sent  to  Ms  aid,  with 
which  he  would  be  able  to  ' '  break  the  neck  of  every 
Indian  in  the  river. ' '  Sucli  a  course  would  be  no 
loss  to  the  beaver  trade,  he  said,  but  rather  the 
reverse,  for  these  Indians  (the  Delawares)  were 
poor,  and  had  only  maize  to  sell ;  and  it  would  open 
the  way  for  an  unmolested  trade  with  the  Black 
and  White  Minquas.  It  would  also  strengthen  the 
title  to  New  Sweden,  for  when  the  Swedes  "had 
not  only  purchased  the  river,  but  also  won  it  with 
the  sword;  then  no  one,  whosoever  he  be,  Hol- 
lander or  Englishman,  could  now  or  in  coming 
times  make  pretentions  to  this  place."  It  is  pos- 
sible that  these  ideas  were  inspired  by  Governor 
Kieft,  and  that  the  two  governors  planned  con- 
certed action.  Fortunately,  however,  the  request 
of  Printz  for  200  soldiers  was  not  granted  by  the 
government  at  Stockholm,     We  might  otherwise 


2o8  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

have  had  the  bloody  history  of  New  Amsterdam  re- 
peated in  New  Sweden. 

As  a  resnlt  of  Indian  troubles  and  lack  of  mer- 
chandise, the  trade  was  slack  during  the  summer 
and  early  autumn,  only  a  few  sales  being  recorded. 
The  English  merchants  returned  in  the  fall  to  col- 
lect their  outstanding  accounts  as  well  as  to  trade, 
and  Isaac  Allerton  sold  fourteen  bushels  of  barley 
for  seed,  one  pair  of  mill-stones  and  a  Dutch 
bushel  measure.  Other  English  and  Dutch  traders 
exchanged  lumber  and  ammunition  for  beaver 
skins  and  tobacco.  A  journey  to  New  England  was 
also  undertaken  with  the  sloop,  but  little  is  known 
about  this  expedition. 

The  usual  work  occupied  the  colonists  during 
the  summer — the  cultivation  of  tobacco,  the  cutting 
of  hay  and  the  harvesting  of  the  grain.  A  good 
crop  was  laid  up,  as  the  weather  was  favorable  for 
grain  in  1644.  About  6,920  pounds  of  tobacco 
were  dried  and  stored.  At  the  rate  of  7  stivers 
per  pound  the  tobacco  would  be  worth  2,422  florins. 
As  29  men  had  been  engaged  in  cultivating  the 
tobacco,  making  SoVo  florins  the  amount  realized 
on  the  labor  of  each  man,  the  result  does  not  seem 
to  have  been  very  satisfactory. 

III. 

In  the  beginning  of  1645  the  traffic  with  the 
Indians  began  anew  and  in  the  early  spring  nier- 


SOCIAL   AND  ECONOMIC   LIFE  OF   THE  COLONY      209 

chants  from  the  neighboring  colonies  again  ar- 
rived to  collect  old  bills  and  to  sell  their  cargoes. 

When  the  warm  weather  returned  the  freemen's 
labors  of  former  years  repeated  themselves.  The 
fields  were  sown  with  grain,  the  gardens  were 
planted  with  seeds,  and  the  cattle  were  left  to 
wander  through  the  woods  or  across  the  grassy 
meadows  under  the  care  of  the  herdsmen. 

In  the  summer  Governor  Printz  ordered  the 
sloop  to  New  Amsterdam  to  buy  cattle  and  pro- 
visions. Nine  oxen  were  purchased  for  ninety-six 
beavers  and  one  horse  for  thirty  beavers.  ''A 
pair  of  mill-stones  for  the  wind  mill"  was  ob- 
tained for  two  beavers,  and  twelve  barrels  of  lime 
for  one  skin.  In  the  autumn  449  beaver  skins  were 
bought  from  the  savages  at  the  Schuylkill,  and  an 
Indian  guide  was  sent  to  invite  the  Minquas  to  the 
settlement  for  trading  purposes.  But  the  traffic 
could  not  be  conducted  with  much  vigor,  as  there 
was  a  want  of  merchandise.  The  governor  and 
colonists  waited  for  ships  and  supplies  from 
Sweden,  but  the  summer  came  and  passed,  the 
grain  grew  and  was  harvested,  and  no  ships  nor 
supplies  arrived.  John  Wilcox,  Jeremiah  Clerk 
and  Mr.  Spindle  relieved  the  most  pressing  needs 
by  their  cargoes,  and  furnished  some  merchandise 
for  the  peltry  trade. 

In  spite  of  various  drawbacks,  however,  tbe 
colony  grew  in  prosperity.     The  windmill  was  re- 


2IO  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

paired  for  the  autumn  grinding.  Tlie  oxen  and 
the  horse  bought  at  New  Amsterdam  enlarged  the 
possibilities  of  agriculture,  and  the  fields  were 
somewhat  increased.  A  piece  of  land,  not  ''pro- 
perly bought  from  the  Indians,"  had  been  oc- 
cupied, giving  rise  to  disputes  with  two  chiefs,  who 
demanded  pay  for  the  tract.  On  September  20, 
1645,  four  yards  of  cloth  and  about  nine  yards  of 
seicaut  were  presented  to  the  chiefs  for  their  claim. 
This  seems  to  have  settled  the  question,  and  the 
colonists  were  henceforth  undisturbed  in  their  pos- 
session. 

The  winter  of  1645  was  now  approaching.  Pro- 
visions were  purchased  from  the  neighbors  and  the 
Indians,  and  all  kinds  of  necessary  supplies  were 
provided  for  the  cold  weather.  Omens  seemed 
more  favorable  than  previous  years,  and  the  set- 
tlers were  happier  than  ever  before  in  their  new 
home.  But  a  month  before  the  Christmas  holi- 
days a  terrilile  misfortune  befell  the  little  colony. 
It  was  on  the  25th  of  November,  1615.  The  gover- 
nor had  gone  to  rest  in  Printz  Hall ;  the  soldiers 
and  settlers  of  New  Gothenborg  had  withdrawn  to 
their  quarters  for  the  night;  the  lights  in  the 
dwellings  were  extinguished;  all  was  quiet  and 
jDeaceful.  The  gunner  Sven  Vass  was  on  duty  as 
watchman ;  but  Vass  fell  asleep  and  left  his  candle 
burning.  Between  ten  and  eleven  an  alarm  was 
given, — the  candle  had  set  fire  to  the  fort.     The 


SOCIAL  AND  ECONOMIC  LIFE  OF  THE  COLONY  2ii 

people  rushed  out  of  tlieir  dwellings  to  save  wliat 
could  be  saved.  But  the  flames  grew  with  great 
rapidity,  the  powder  chest  exploded  with  terrible 
force.  In  a  short  while  nearly  everything  was 
consumed  in  the  storehouse.  Printz  Hall  also 
burnt  down,  and  the  governor  lost  property  to  the 
value  of  5,584  R.  D.  When  morning  dawned  on 
the  island  of  Tinicum,  the  little  settlement  there 
had  greatly  changed  its  appearance.  Nothing  but 
the  barn  remained.  Cold  set  in,  and  the  river  froze 
over,  preventing  aid  from  reaching  the  unfortu- 
nate colonists  who  suffered  terrible  hardships, 
being  cut  off  from  the  mainland  from  December 
until  March.  But  warmth  came  at  last,  and  con- 
nections were  established  with  the  other  settle- 
ments. 

Sven  Vass  was  tried  at  a  regular  court  in  1646. 
He  was  found  guilty  by  Printz  and  the  jury,  and  a 
verdict  to  that  effect  was  pronounced.  The  case 
was  reopened  the  following  j^ear,  and  ''on  Febru- 
ary 8,  9,  10,  11,  Anno  1647,  ....  a  legal  court  was 
held  in  New  Gothenborg  in  New  Sweden  ....  at 
which  an  inquiry  was  made  about  what  was  con- 
sumed in  the  fire  on  the  night  of  November  25 
between  10  and  11  o'clock  when  New  Gothenborg 
was  burnt."  Before  this  court  Vass  was  re- 
examined, and  in  March  he  was  sent  in  irons  to 
Sweden  together  with  all  the  records  and  minutes 
in  the  case,  and  the  execution  of  the  verdict  was 


212  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE   DELAWARE 

referred  to  the  pleasure  of  Her  Royal  Majesty 
and  tlie  Eiglit  Honorable  Compan3\ 

The  fort  and  dwelling  houses  on  Tinicum  were 
gradually  rebuilt,  and  the  foundations  were  laid 
for  a  new  church.  The  church  was  built  of  logs, 
and  2,000  clap  boards  were  bought  for  the  roof 
from  some  English  in  August.  The  belfry  was 
])robably  built  a  few  feet  away  from  it,  a  custom 
common  in  Sweden  and  Finland  in  olden  times. 
The  church  was  fitted  out  somewhat  in  the  style  of 
the  churches  in  the  mother  country.  Simple  deco- 
rations were  used,  and  the  alter  was  beautified 
with  "a,  silver  cloth,"  purchased  for  the  sum  of 
thirty-seven  and  one-half  florins.  A  burial  place 
was  laid  out  near  the  church,  probably  in  front  of 
it,  and  perhaps  a  fence  was  erected  around  it.  The 
"handsome  church"  was  ready  in  the  autumn. 
September  4  was  a  day  of  rejoicing  and  thanks- 
giving. The  colonists  assembled  in  their  new 
temple,  and  after  a  sermon  and  amid  appropriate 
ceremonies,  the  Revs.  Oampanius  and  Fluviander 
offipiating,  the  house  of  worship  was  dedicated  for 
divine  services.  The  cemetery  was  consecrated 
the  same  day.  A  month  and  a  half  later  "the  first 
corpse  ....,  that  of  Katarina,  the  daugliter  of 
Andreas  Hansson  was  buried  there." 

Printz  Hall  was  also  rebuilt  "very  splendidly 
.  . .  .with  an  orchard,  a  plensure  house  and  more 
such    things."     Churchill    states    in    one    of   his 


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SOCIAL   AND   ECONOMIC   LIFE   OF   THE   COLONY       213 

novels  that  the  bricks  used  in  building  Carvel's 
house  were  brought  from  England,  and  legends 
have  been  circulated  that  Old  Swedes  Church 
(Gloria  Dei)  was  built  of  Swedish  bricks.  It  has 
likewise  been  said,  as  late  as  1909,  that  Printz  Hall 
was  built  of  bricks  imported  from  Sweden.  On 
the  other  hand  it  has  been  denied  that  bricks  were 
shipped  here  at  all.  We  have  already  seen  that 
about  500  bricks  were  carried  over  on  the  first 
journey,  and  in  1643,  "6,000  bricks  together  with 
half  a  last  of  lime  were  consigned  to  Governor 
Printz  for  the  need  of  the  country  in  New 
Sweden. ' '  A  few  bricks  were  taken  here  as  ballast 
on  some  of  the  expeditions,  but  these  were  used  for 
making  fireplaces  and  chimneys,  and  Swedish 
bricks  were  in  no  case  used  for  building  houses. 
Printz  Hall  was  built  of  logs.  It  was  two  stories 
high  and  so  arranged  that  it  could  be  defended 
against  attack.  The  lumber  shipped  over  on  the 
Fama  was  used  for  the  interior  of  the  mansion,  and 
ovens  and  two  or  more  fireplaces  with  chimneys 
were  constructed  of  bricks.  The  mansion  had  sev- 
eral rooms  lighted  by  "windows  of  glass,"  and  it 
was  not  devoid  of  comfort,  we  may  even  say  of 
luxury.  The  governor's  library  was  estimated  at 
200  R.  D.,  and  curtains  and  the  like  were  valued  at 
120  R.  D.  ($780,  a  respectable  sum  for  such  deco- 
rations in  those  days). 

There  was  no  cause  for  friction  between  Printz 


214  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE   DELAWARE 

and  the  Dutch  agents  when  he  arrived  in  1643.  On 
account  of  his  troubles  with  the  New  Haven  people 
he  sought  the  friendship  of  the  Dutch,  who  recipro- 
cated his  advances,  as  it  was  also  to  their  advant- 
age that  the  English  be  kept  out  of  the  river.  The 
English  had  already  caused  trouble  on  the  north- 
ern boundaries  of  New  Netherland.  Their  intru- 
sions in  the  South  River  tended  to  restrict  the 
territory  and  hem  in  the  colony  of  the  Dutch  and 
might  form  a  basis  for  future  operations  of  a 
more  dangerous  kind.  For  this  reason  the  Dutch 
realized  the  importance  of  keeping  out  the  English 
even  with  the  aid  of  the  Swedes.  Printz  secretly 
distrusted  them,  however,  and  forsaw  that  trouble 
was  sure  to  come;  but  he  was  a  shrewd  diplomat, 
and  expressed  himself  in  the  highest  terms  of 
friendship  and  good  will  towards  them.  When 
he  arrived  Willem  Kieft  protested  against  the 
Swedes,  and  claimed  the  entire  river  for  the  Dutch 
West  India  Company;  but  Printz  in  turn  refuted 
these  claims  "with  as  good  reasons  as  he  could  and 
knew  how,"  and  the  Dutch  governor  finally  drop- 
ped the  ''protesting."  The  two  governors  cor- 
responded with  one  another  frequently,  and 
Governor  Printz  wrote  to  Sweden  in  1644,  that 
''the  Dutch  have  been  on  friendly  terms  with  us 
since  I  came  here,  especially  their  commander  at 
Manhatten,  AVillem  Kieft."  Jan  Jansen,  the  com- 
mander of  Fort  Nassau,  was  likewise  on  good 


Interior  of  the  Jioro  Iiohkc,  showing  the  fireplace,  the  clock,  the  bedsteads,  the 
clothes-hangers,  the  carpenter's  bench,  and  the  chairs. 


SOCIAL   AND  ECONOMIC   LIFE   OF   THE   COLONY      215 

terms  with  the  Swedes.  He  was  one  of  the  com- 
missioners in  the  court  which  tried  Lamberton, 
and  he  joined  readily  in  all  actions  undertaken 
against  the  English. 

In  spite  of  this  friendship  Printz  complained 
that  the  Dutch  did  not  have  proper  respect  for  Her 
Koyal  Majesty's  power.  They  usurped  as  much 
as  they  could  with  all  authoi'ity  and  advantage,  and 
carried  on  their  traffic  without  restraint.  They 
traded  at  Fort  Nassau  and  on  the  Schuylkill  under 
commission  from  the  Dutch  West  India  Company. 
They  were  allowed  to  pass  freely  up  and  down  the 
river,  but  were  compelled  to  strike  their  flags  be- 
fore the  Swedish  forts.  Printz  could  have  pre- 
vented them  from  passing  Fort  Elfsborg  by  his 
camion,  but  he  had  no  instructions  to  keep  them 
out  of  the  river  nor  to  hinder  their  trade.  He  also 
endeavored  not  to  offend  the  Dutch  in  his  dealings 
with  the  Indians,  and  he  managed  to  erect  a  trading 
post  on  the  Schuylkill,  where  he  conducted  an 
extensive  beaver  trade,  without  exciting  their  ire. 
''At  times  they  loosened  their  tongues  and  pro- 
tested vigorously  against  these  encroachments," 
but  it  never  went  beyond  words.  The  Dutch  were 
not  strong  enough  to  drive  out  the  Swedes,  and 
the  two  nations  were  on  friendly  terms  in  Europe. 

In  1643  and  again  in  1644  the  governor  asked  for 
more  definite  instruction  in  regard  to  the  Dutch, 
but  oone  were  sent  him.     As  soon  as  the  danger  of 


2l6  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

Eiiglisli  encroachments  was  removed,  he  observed 
less  caution  in  his  dealings  with  his  nearest  neigh- 
bors, but  while  Jan  Jansen  was  in  command  at 
Fort  Nassau  the  relations  between  the  rival  settle- 
ments continued  to  be  friendly.  For  form's  sake 
the  Dutch  commissary  protested  against  the  activi- 
ties of  Printz,  and  the  Swedes  went  on  building 
])lock  houses  and  extending  their  Indian  trade, 
]:)aying  little  heed  to  the  Dutch  protests.  The 
Dutch  garrison  (of  twenty  men)  at  Fort  Nassau 
remained  about  the  same.  Jan  Jansen  did  not  try 
to  extend  the  territory  of  the  West  India  Com- 
pany, and  Governor  Kieft  was  satisfied  with  the 
limits  of  his  colony,  giving  Printz  little  cause  for 
complaint. 

But  complaints  against  Kieft 's  leniency  in  his 
treatment  of  the  Swedes  began  to  be  heard  in  Hol- 
land, and  he  was  accused  of  allowing  his  southern 
neighbors  to  usurp  the  South  River.  Other  things 
also  foreboded  a  change  in  the  Dutch  regime  on  the 
Delaware.  The  change  came  in  the  autumn  of 
1645.  Jan  Jansen  was  recalled,  and  on  October  11 
(12),  Andraes  Hudde  was  appointed  his  successor. 
lludde  arrived  at  Fort  Nassau  on  November  1 
(11),  1045,  and  now  begins  a  new  era  in  the  Dutch- 
Swedish  relations  in  America.  He  was  a  more 
active  and  aggressive  commissary  than  Jansen  and 
Governor  Kieft  now  showed  more  concern  about 
his  trading  posts  on  the  South  River. 


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SOCIAL  AND   ECONOMIC   LIFE   OF   THE   COLONY      217 

Governor  Printz  had  warned  the  company  that 
if  supplies  were  not  speedily  sent  to  Fort  Chris- 
tina the  losses  would  run  into  thousands,  but  he 
waited,  months  passed  and  not  even  news  came 
from  Sweden.  Accordingly  the  Indian  trade  was 
very  poor  the  first  half  of  16-16,  partly  on  account 
of  the  severe  weather  but  more  particularly  due 
to  the  Dutch  traders,  who  had  merchandise  in 
plenty;  and  some  deer  skins  and  a  few  bushels  of 
corn  were  the  only  purchases  made  from  the  sav- 
ages from  January  until  June.  During  the  spring, 
and  autumn  grain  and  other  supplies  were  bought 
from  the  English,  and  Printz  sent  his  sloop  to  New 
Amsterdam  for  provisions,  although  he  was  on 
unfriendly  terms  with  the  Dutch.  In  addition  the 
crops  were  so  poor  that  it  was  net'essar}^  to  buy 
winter  rye  in  New  Netherland  for  seed. 

In  s]iite  of  unfavorable  circumstances,  however, 
new  land  was  occupied,  and  some  improvement-^ 
were  made.  The  old  windmill  was  unsatisfactory 
and  became  quite  insufficient,  when  the  fields  in- 
creased. Accordingly  the  governor  built  a  dam, 
and  erected  a  water  mill  on  a  convenient  place,  a 
short  distance  north  of  New  Gothenborg,  "no 
doubt  at  Cobb's  Creek,  a  tributary  of  Darby 
Creek,"  where  the  water  offered  sufficient  power 
for  the  driving  of  a  water  wheel,  large  enough  to 
turn  a  pair  of  mill  stones.  A  miller  was  stationed 
there  continuously  for  a  number  of  years.     The 


2x8  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

colonists  took  their  grain  to  the  mill,  where  it  was 
gToiind  for  a  certain  toll.  A  blockhouse  was  built 
near  the  mill  to  protect  the  colonists,  who  settled 
in  the  neighborhood,  and  the  place  was  called 
Moludal,  "because  the  mill  was  there."  A  short 
distance  south  of  Molndal  another  blockhouse  was 
erected  at  this  time  which  was  called  New  Vasa. 

IV. 

In  October,  1646,  there  was  joy  in  the  settlement. 
The  Gyllene  Haj  cast  anchor  before  Fort  Chris- 
tina. The  ship  carried  large  supplies  for  the 
Indian  trade  and  for  the  colony's  need.  Some  new 
settlers  and  soldiers  also  arrived.  These  were  all 
ill  on  account  of  the  troublesome  journey,  but  they 
recuperated  quickly  after  landing.  The  governor 
had  hoped  to  be  released  from  his  post,  as  soon  as 
his  term  of  three  years  service  had  expired,  but 
the  government  could  find  no  one  suitable  for  the 
]«lace,  and  the  Queen  commanded  him  to  remain 
^'1  the  country.  He  had  now  managed  the  colony 
for  nearly  five  years,  and  "these  years  were  longer 
and  more  arduous  to  him  than  all  the  previous 
twenty-four  years  he  had  served  his  fatherland." 
Therefore,  when  he  read  the  Queen's  letter  he 
"became  sad,  but  as  he  saw  the  signature  by  her 
Iioyal  Majesty's  own  hand  he  was  so  happy  that 
he  no  longer  remembered  his  former  sadness."  A 
special  day  of  thanksgiving  was  ordered,  and  the 


SOCIAL  AND  ECONOMIC  LIFE   OF   THE  COLONY      219 

colonists  came  together  in  the  new  church  at  Tini- 
cum  to  praise  God  with  a  holy  "Te  Deum  for  His 
grace  in  having  given  the  fatherland  a  Queen  who 
was  of  age. ' ' 

The  outlook  was  now  brighter.  The  inhabitants 
of  New  Sweden  could  prepare  for  the  winter  with 
more  eagerness  than  formerly,  and  could  celebrate 
their  Christmas  with  more  joy  in  their  hearts  than 
in  1645.  Duffels,  corals,  axes,  kettles  and  a  thou- 
sand other  trinkets  and  valuables  were  available 
for  the  beaver  trade.  Several  presents  were  given 
to  Indian  chiefs  shortly  after  the  arrival  of  the 
ship,  and  not  many  weeks  later  Henrick  Huygen 
and  Van  Dyck  with  eight  soldiers  and  an  Indian 
guide  marched  230  miles  into  the  Minquas  country 
to  renew  the  old  friendship  with  the  Minquas  and 
to  re-establish  the  trade.  Rich  gifts  of  mirrors, 
corals,  combs  and  the  like  were  presented  to  the 
chiefs,  who  promised  to  traffic  freely  with  the 
Swedes  and  to  discontinue  the  beaver  trade  with 
the  Dutch  entirely.  A  few  purchases  of  beaver 
skins  and  corn  were  made  from  the  savages  in  the 
beginning  of  1647,  and  the  sloop  was  sent  down  the 
bay  "to  try  to  trade";  but  the  success  was  small 
and  the  traffic  was  slow  in  recuperating.  It  was 
therefore  necessary  to  buy  tobacco  for  the  cargo  of 
the  Ilaj.  The  sloop  was  sent  to  Manhattan  twice 
for  the  victualling  of  the  ship  on  its  long  voyage 
and  for  provisions  in  the  colony.       The  prepar- 


2  20  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

ations  for  the  return  of  the  vessel  were  completed 
about  the  middle  of  February,  and  a  little  later  the 
vessel  set  sail.  The  Rev.  Fluviander*  who  ar- 
rived with  Governor  Printz  in  164o,  and  a  few 
colonists  returned  home,  and  Joliau  Papegoja  was 
again  sent  to  the  mother  country  at  the  request  of 
the  officers  and  soldiers  to  report.  Printz  made  a 
list  of  articles  which  he  needed,  and  again  sug- 
gested many  improvements.  He  reciuested  the 
company  to  send  over  a  brickmaker  as  well  as  car- 
penters and  other  laborers,  for  he  had  a  large 
barge  almost  ready,  but  was  forced  to  postpone  its 
completion  until  the  arrival  of  more  skilled  work- 
men. 

Printz  also  prepared  a  long  report,  dated  Feb- 
ruary 20,  1G47,  to  the  New  Sweden  Company  con- 
cerning the  condition  of  the  colony  at  this  time. 
The  population  was  still  very  small,  only  183  souls 
i  n  aJ  1.  The  freemen  had  improved  their  conciitions 
since  KUo,  but  the  soldiers  and  servants  were  dis- 
satisfied and  desired  to  go  home.  Twenty-eight 
freemen  were  settled  on  farms  or  plantations,  but 
we  do  not  know  the  extent  of  their  fields  nor  the 
number  of  cattle,  sheep  and  other  domestic  ani- 
mals they  had.  Sixteen  oxen,  one  cow  and  a  horse 
had  been  purchase  at  New  Amsterdam  for  the 
company,  but  two  of  the  oxen  had  either  died  or 

(*)  For  an  afcoiint  of  Ihe  services  of  Rev.  Fluviander,  see 
the  author's  Swedisli  Hettlcvients,  I,  371-72. 


SOCIAL,   AND   ECONOMIC   LIFE   OF   THE  COLONY      22  1 

been  sold  to  freemen,  for  in  February  the  coinpaaj^ 
owned  only  fourteen  of  these  animals.  The  cattle 
imported  from  Sweden  by  the  company  had  in- 
creased to  ten.  As  to  the  swine,  goats  and  sheep 
belonging  to  the  company  we  know  nothing,  but  it 
is  probable  that  there  was  a  good  supply  of  them 
at  this  time.  The  horse  purchased  from  the  Dutch 
fared  well,  and  was  used  for  work  on  the  land  and 
by  Printz  in  going  about  the  settlements.  In  the 
previous  autumn  he  ran  away,  but  he  was  caught 
by  an  Indian,  who  was  richly  rewarded  for  his 
trouble. 

Ever  since  the  arrival  of  Hudde  the  relations 
between  the  Dutch  and  Swedes  had  been  strained. 
Hudde  bought  land  from  the  Indians,  which  had 
been  purchased  by  the  Swedes,  and  traded  with  the 
savages  without  any  consideration  for  Printz.  In 
the  autumn  of  1646  the  Dutch  attempted  to  make 
settlements  north  of  present  Philadelphia.  A  let- 
ter instructing  Hudde  to  buy  this  land  was  re- 
ceived, while  the  owner  was  absent  hunting;  but 
Hudde,  who  would  not  risk  being  anticipated  by 
Printz,  took  possession  of  the  lands  two  weeks 
before  the  purchase  was  made.  When  the  owner 
returned  from  his  hunt  on  September  12,  deeds 
were  drawn  up  and  signed.  "Having  concluded 
the  purchase,  the  proprietor  went  with  Hudde  in 
person,  and  the  honorable  company's  arms  being 
fixed  to  a  pole  was  set  in  the  gi^ound  on  the  extreme 


m  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

boundary."  The  purchase  inchided  AVicaeoa 
(Phihidel]ihia),  and  stretched  northward  along  the 
river  for  some  miles.  The  Dutch  freemen  soon 
erected  a  dwelling  and  a  blockhouse  on  the  land; 
but  when  Printz  became  aware  of  it  he  built  a 
guard  house  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Dutch,  and 
sent  "his  (luartermaster  and  other  Swedes  to  tear 
down  and  destroy  the  Dutch  buildings." 

Protests  and  counter  protests  followed  in  rapid 
succession.  On  October  13  (23),  Hudde  sent  a 
final  answer  to  Printz 's  counter  protest.  The  pro- 
test was  delivered  to  the  Swedish  governor  by 
Alexander  Boyer  and  two  soldiers,  who  appear 
to  have  been  treated  rather  uncivilly  by  Printz. 
According  to  the  Dutch  the  governor  did  not  even 
answer  Boyer 's  salutation  of  "Good  morning," 
and  threw  the  document  to  the  ground,  command- 
ing one  of  his  inferiors  to  take  care  of  it.  Paying 
no  attention  whatever  to  the  Dutch  deputation,  he 
proceeded  to  consult  with  some  English  from  New 
Haven,  and  when  Boyer  requested  an  answer  to 
carry  back  to  his  superior  "he  was  pushed  out  of 
doors,  the  governor  having  taken  a  gun  from  the 
wall,  as  he  could  see,  to  shoot  him."  ITudde's  ac- 
count, however,  must  not  be  taken  too  literally,  and 
there  is  no  likelihood  tluit  the  gun  incident  has  any 
foundation  in  truth.  The  events  were  reported  to 
Governor  Kieft,  but  nothing  could  be  done.  The 
garrison  at  Fort  Nassau  was  too  weak  to  allow 


SOCIAT^   AND   ECONOMIC   LIFE   OF   THE  COLONY      223 

anything  but  words  to  be  employed  against  an 
adversary  like  Governor  Printz,  and  the  force  at 
New  Amsterdam  could  not  be  diminished. 

In  the  fur  trade,  however,  the  Dutch  continued 
to  have  the  upper  hand,  but  when  the  ship  arrived 
Printz  improved  his  opportunities.  The  block- 
house on  the  Schuylkill,  which  had  been  built  as  a 
protection  against  the  Indians,  could  not  oppose 
the  Dutch  nor  keep  out  their  trading  vessels.  The 
Swedish  governor  therefore  decided  to  build  a  fort 
by  which  he  could  regulate  and  monopolize  the 
Indian  trade,  and  maintain  his  jurisdiction  against 
his  neighbors.  The  stronghold  was  erected  near 
the  blockhouse  "on  the  south  side  of  a  very  con- 
venient island  about  a  gunshot  from  the  mouth 
of  the  Schuylkill".  Logs  and  timbers  had  been 
cut  in  the  previous  autumn  and  the  early  part  of 
1G47,  and  in  February  the  fortress  was  almost 
finished.  It  was  called  Fort  New  Korsholm  as  it 
was  located  on  an  island  {holm,  meaning  island), 
and  Mans  Kling,  the  commander  of  the  old  block- 
house, was  given  charge  of  it.  A  gunner  and  a 
few  soldiers  were  also  stationed  there. 

Some  new  dwellings  were  built  by  the  Swedes  in 
the  spring,  and  on  the  twenty-first  of  May,  Printz 
purchased  a  certain  tract  of  land  from  the  Min- 
quas.  The  land  extended  ' '  on  the  west  shore  from 
Philadelphia  to  Trenton  Falls  and  twenty-four 
yards  of  cloth,  sixty-five  yards  of  seivant,  six  axes, 


224  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

four  kettles,  seven  knives,  five  pounds  of  corals, 
two  silvered  chains,  four  hundred  and  fifty  fish- 
hooks, besides  a  number  of  other  trinkets,  were 
given  for  the  district.  It  was  bought  from  two 
chiefs,  Siscohoke  and  Mechekyralames,  of  the 
Minquas  (Mantas!)  Indians,  and  Printz  "set  his 
fence  thereupon. ' ' 

It  appears  that  tobacco  raising  was  discontinued 
after  1646,  as  it  proved  unprofitable.  Grain  and 
Indian  corn  were  now  the  staple  products,  and 
New  Sweden  had  become  an  agricultural  rather 
than  a  commercial  colony,  due  to  lack  of  support 
from  the  mother  country  and  the  nature  and  in- 
clination of  the  settlers.  The  Indian  trade,  which 
had  been  of  small  account,  during  the  winter,  was 
renewed  in  the  early  spring.  Huygen  was  again 
sent  into  the  country  of  the  Black  Minquas  with 
merchandise.  The  good  will  of  the  chiefs  was  as 
usual  bought  by  handsome  gifts,  and  the  journey 
was  very  successful,  resulting  in  the  purchase  of 
several  hundred  skins.  The  sloop  was  sent  into 
the  Schuylkill  and  down  to  the  bay,  and  the  peltry 
traffic  was  continued  throughout  the  summer  with 
good  profits.  The  English  merchants  who  visited 
the  river  exchanged  their  wares  for  quantities  of 
beaver  skins,  supplying  new  merchandise  to  the 
Swedes,  with  which  they  could  buy  peltries.  An 
English  bark  valued  at  200  florins  was  jourchased 
by  Governor  Printz  for  98  skins.     Another  jour- 


SOCIAL   AND  ECONOMIC  LIFE   OF   THE   COLONY      225 

ney  was  made  to  New  Amsterdam  to  buy  Indian 
corn,  and  Knut  Persson  was  sent  to  New  England 
to  exchange  merchandise  for  servant  and  oxen. 
Persson  returned  to  Christina  in  the  early  autumn. 

In  August  the  beaver  trade  was  renewed  with 
the  Black  Minquas,  and  a  supply  of  maize  was 
bought  from  the  river  Indians.  It  seems  that  the 
crops  were  poor  in  1647,  for  in  October  100 
bushels  of  peas,  120  bushels  of  rye  and  a  quantity 
of  corn-flour  were  purchased  from  William  Whit- 
ing. Little  is  known  of  the  internal  history  of  the 
settlement  from  March,  1647,  until  the  beginning 
of  1648.  A  Christian  Indian  named  Ondaaiondiont, 
from  the  Catholic  mission  of  New  France,  visited 
the  Swedes  on  his  way  to  the  Andastoes  in  1647. 
He  is  said  to  have  criticised  the  life  of  the  Swedes 
and  to  have  reproached  them  of  thinking  more  of 
the  beaver  trade  than  of  converting  the  savages  to 
Christianity. 

In  January,  1648,  the  Swan  anchored  in  Chris- 
tina harbor  with  one  of  the  largest  cargoes  ever 
sent  to  New  Sweden.  Johan  Papegoja  returned 
on  this  ship,  and  Eev.  Lock  was  among  the  pas- 
sengers. Printz  now  confidently  expected  his  re- 
call, as  he  had  made  new  appeals  to  the  govern- 
ment; but  he  was  again  disappointed  and  directed 
to  remain,  until  another  could  be  found  for  his 
place. 

The  supplies  which  arrived  on  the  ship  for  the 


2  26  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

colonists  and  soldiers  greatly  improved  their 
comfort.  Printz  displayed  liis  usual  activity.  New 
land  was  allotted  to  the  freemen,  and  large  quan- 
tities of  timber  were  prepared  at  the  Schuylkill 
during  the  winter  months.  The  island  of 
Mekekanckon  near  Trenton  Falls  was  bought  from 
an  Indian  chief,  and  three  different  trading  jour- 
neys were  made  inland  into  the  Minquas  country 
for  over  150  miles.  This  trade  was  so  successful 
that  more  than  1,200  skins  were  obtained  for  the 
cargo  of  the  Swan. 

In  the  spring  '^a  list  of  the  people  who  were 
still  alive  in  New  Sweden"  was  prepared.  It  con- 
tains but  79  names  including  the  slave,  since  only 
the  adult  male  inhabitants  are  enumerated.  The 
officers  and  soldiers  were  all  anxious  to  return 
home:  but  the  life  of  the  freeman  was  more  toler- 
able than  before,  and  many  seem  to  have  reached  a 
certain  degree  of  prosperity.  In  May  the  Siva7i 
returned  to  Sweden.  The  colony  now  lost  two  or 
three  of  its  most  faithful  servants,  and  a  few  free- 
men and  soldiers.  Printz  sent  his  fourth  relation, 
and  other  documents  (all  of  which  seem  to  have 
been  lost),  and  on  the  day  before  the  vessel  sailed 
Papegoja  wrote  to  the  chancellor,  requesting  per- 
mission to  leave  the  country  and  enter  the  naval 
service,  unless  more  colonists  soon  arrived.  The 
account  books  and  journals  in  which  the  monthly 
salaries  of  the  officers,  soldiers  and  servants  and 


SOCIAL   AND   ECONOMIC   LIFE   OF   THE  COLONY      227 

their  accounts  with  tlie  company  and  with  the  gov- 
ernor were  entered  and  in  which  the  sales,  pur- 
chases and  transactions  with  the  hiborers  and  sav- 
ages were  recorded  from  1643  until  May,  1648, 
were  also  sent  to  Sweden  on  the  Sican.  The  ac- 
count book,  which  contains  a  record  of  all  goods 
bought  and  sold  in  the  colony  and  given  to  the 
Indians  in  the  above  mentioned  five  years,  is  now 
preserved  in  the  Archives  of  the  Exchequer  at 
Stockholm  in  good  condition.  The  Schuldtboeck 
(written  in  Dutch)  in  which  the  individual  ac- 
counts of  the  colonists  were  entered  is  now  pre- 
served in  the  Royal  Archives.  The  ])ook  is  de- 
fective, the  upper  front  corners  of  the  pages 
being  moulded  away  and  other  parts  being  unread- 
able. It  contains  several  facts  not  found  else- 
where and  many  interesting  details  concerning  the 
trade  of  the  colony. 

The  Eeverend  Johan  Campanius  Holm,  who  af- 
ter serving  ''well  nigh  five  years  with  great  danger 
of  death  night  and  day  in  a  heathenish  country 
among  ferocious  pagans,"  was  granted  a  benefice 
in  Sweden,  ' '  able  to  support  him  with  his  wife  and 
numerous  little  children,"  and  he  returned  to  the 
mother  country  on  the  Sn-aii.  He  has  deservedly 
become  the  best  known  of  the  early  Swedish 
preachers  in  America.  lie  performed  his  ecclesi- 
astical duties  with  seriousness  and  zeal,  and  was 
often  "obliged  without  any  regard  to  the  weather 


2  28  THE  SWEDES  ON  THE  DELAWARE 

to  go  from  one  place  to  the  other  to  visit  the  set- 
tlers with  the  Word  and  the  Sacrament";  he  la- 
bored for  the  conversion  of  the  Indians,  who  came 
to  listen  to  his  sermons  in  silent  wonder,  and  he 
translated  the  Lutheran  Catechism  into  their  lan- 
guage for  the  first  time.  Being  a  man  of  a  broad 
education,  he  had  wide  interests;  he  made  "as- 
tronomical observations,"  noted  the  length  of  the 
day,  collected  facts  about  the  climate  and  other 
])henomena.  and  gathered  material  for  a  De.scrip- 
fion  of  America  and  flie  Indians,  and  was  a  farmer 
as  well.  It  is  therefore  not  surprising  that  he  left 
a  lasting  memory  in  tlie  settlement,  and  for  nearly 
two  centuries  a  legend  was  circulated  "to  the  ef- 
fect that  ....  he  journeyed  into  the  country  among 
the  [savages]  and  made  his  way  to  Sweden  by 
land."* 

V. 

Governor  Printz  had  seen  his  happiest  days  on 
the  Delaware,  and  the  remaining  years  of  his  rule 
were  full  of  troubles  and  disappointments.  Peter 
Stuyvesant  had  replaced  Governor  Kieft  as  di- 
rector of  New  Netherland.  Pie  was  a  man  of 
tremendous  energy,  scrupulously  faithful  in  dis- 
charging his  duties  and  over  zealous  in  promot- 
ing the  interests  of  his  superiors,  and  he  was  not 
to  be  accused  of  allowing  the  Swedes  to  usurp  the 

{*)  For  a  more  complete  account  of  Holm.,  see  the  author's 
Sivedish  Htttlements,  I,  372-73;    11,  500-61,  G78-71). 


SOCIAL   AND   ECONOMIC  LIFE   OF   THE  COLONY      229 

river  without  a  protest.  He  supported  his  coui- 
missary  at  Fort  Nassau  with  all  power,  and  en- 
couraged the  Dutch  trade  there. 

During  the  winter  Printz  was  active  collecting 
building  material  in  the  Sehu3dkill.  News  about 
it  reached  Governor  Stu^^^esant,  who  at  once  oi-- 
dered  his  commissary  to  settle  down  beside  the 
Swedes,  in  case  they  should  come  to  build  and 
settle  on  any  new  and  unoccupied  places.  Ac- 
cordingly Hudde  secured  new  titles  to  certain 
lands  from  two  Indian  cliiefs,  who  told  the  Swedes 
in  tbe  Schuyllvill  to  depart  from  their  homes,  as 
llic)"  had  come  tbere  "m  a  sneaking  way"  without 
permission  from  the  right  owners.  He  also  pre- 
pared to  build  a  fort.  Printz  having  obtained  in- 
formation about  the  doings  of  his  neighbors,  sent 
seven  or  eight  men  the  same  day  under  command 
of  Huygen  to  deliver  a  protest  against  the  Dutch, 
and  to  enquire  on  what  authority  and  by  what  or- 
ders they  presumed  to  build  there.  But  the  In- 
dians were  ill  disposed  towards  the  Swedes,  who 
wf»re  unable  to  remove  the  Dutch,  and  Hudde 
^'pushed  forward  the  unfinished  work  and  had  the 
bouse  surrounded  by  palisades."  The  new  strono- 
hold  was  called  Fort  Eeversreede,  as  it  was  to 
control  the  beaver  trade  in  the  Schuylkill.  Some 
freemen  also  prepared  to  settle  there  and  fruit 
trees  were  planted  near  the  blockhouse.  Mans 
Kling,  however,  soon  approached  the  place  "with 


230  THE  SWEDES  ON  THE  DELAWARE 

24  men"  fully  armed  with  loaded  guns  and  lighted 
matches,  ''destroyed  the  fruit  and  cut  down  the 
trees  in  front  of  the  fort. ' '  Stuyvesant  finally  de- 
termined to  go  to  the  South  River  himself,  but  his 
journey  was  deferred.  In  his  place  he  sent  two 
officers,  next  to  himself  in  command,  "Vice-Di- 
rector van  Dincklage  and  Mr.  de  la  Montague 
with  orders  and  commands  to  transact  the  busi- 
ness [on  the  South  River]  to  the  greatest  benefit 
and  advantage  of  the  Honorable  Company."  Old 
titles  were  renewed,  and  several  Dutch  freemen 
were  assigned  land  on  the  Schuylkill.  Hans  Ja- 
cobsen  ]irepared  to  build  there  in  June,  but  Gustaf 
Printz,  who  had  been  instructed  to  prevent  him, 
went  there  and  ordered  him  to  tear  down  with 
his  own  hands  what  he  had  built.  On  his  refusal 
to  do  so  Printz  tore  it  down  himself  and  burnt 
the  material.  In  the  autumn  Governor  Printz 
built  a  log  house  in  front  of  the  Dutch  fort,  which 
was  thus  completely  shut  off  from  the  river.  He 
also  gave  strict  orders  to  his  commander  at  Fort 
Korsholm  ''not  to  allow  any  post  or  stake  to  be 
set  in  the  ground  and  to  prevent  by  friendly 
words  or  by  force"  any  attempts  of  the  Dutch  at 
building.  He  also  stationed  two  men  in  the  river 
to  keep  a  close  watch.  The  Swedish  governor  was 
clearly  holding  more  than  his  own  in  these  quar- 
rels. The  Dutch  appealed  to  New  Amsterdam,  but 
I'eceived  no  aid. 


SOCIAL  AND  ECONOMIC  LIFE  OF  THE  COLONY         23 T 

In  1649  Governor  Printz  bought  a  small  district 
on  the  eastern  shore  of  the  Delaware,  a  narrow 
strip  north  of  the  former  limits  of  New  Sweden, 
between  the  Mantas  and  Eaccoon  Creeks.  The 
commercial  activities,  if  we  are  to  believe  in  Dutch 
reports,  were  very  lively  at  this  time.  Hudde 
writes  in  1649  'Hhat  the  trade  in  beavers  with  the 
savages  amounts  at  present  to  30  or  40  and  more 
thousands  of  beavers  during  one  trading  season." 
Since  the  Swedes  monopolized  the  trade  (to  the 
exclusion  of  others)  it  is  to  be  inferred  that  their 
beaver  traffic  approached  the  above  sum  in  1649; 
but  these  estimates  must  be  greatly  exaggerated, 
and  the  Indian  trade  in  New  Sweden  could  hardlv 
have  reached  one-fourth  of  the  above  mentioned 
sum  annually. 

In  1650  the  troubles  with  the  Dutch  increased, 
and  neither  news  nor  supplies  came  from  Sweden. 
But  the  year  proved  prosperous,  as  the  weather 
was  favorable  to  the  grain.  The  Dutch  abandoned 
Fort  Beversreede,  and  Stuyvesant  was  some- 
what uneasy,  as  he  was  aware  that  a  ship  with  a 
large  cargo  was  expected  b}^  the  Swedes.  In  July, 
however,  Augustine  Herrman  brought  news  that 
the  ship  had  stranded  at  Porto  Rico  and  been  cap- 
tured by  the  Spaniards.  Stuyvesant  took  pains  to 
inform  the  Swedes  of  the  disaster.  But  Printz  did 
not  lose  heart.  At  this  time  a  Dutch  vessel  was 
in  the  river  ready  to  return  to  Europe,  offering 


232  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

lijin  au  opportunity  to  write  letters  to  the  Queen, 
to  the  chancellor,  to  Brahe  and  to  Trotzig  in  which 
he  urged  them  to  send  over  new  supplies,  addi- 
tional soldiers  and  more  colonists.  He  had  writ- 
ten five  times  to  Sweden  in  the  last  two  years  and 
three  months,  but  had  received  no  reply  either 
from  the  mother  country  or  from  the  company's 
agents  in  Holland.  He  reported  that  large  terri- 
tories had  been  purchased  from  the  Indians,  al- 
though the  Dutch  protested  against  it  daily,  but 
there  were  entirely  too  few  colonists  to  improve 
the  land.  He  had  the  upper  hand  in  the  quarrels 
with  the  Hutch,  and  had  resisted  their  attempts 
at  settlements  within  the  Swedish  boundary  line. 
The  freemen  were  in  a  prosperous  condition  and 
''nil  well  except  in  a  few  cases";  they  were  mostly 
provided  with  oxen  and  other  domestic  animals, 
which  were  increasing  and  growing  more  numer- 
ous yearly;  they  cultivated  the  land  in  earnest  and 
could  sell  over  one  hundred  barrels  of  grain;  they 
not  only  had  fields  of  rye  and  barley,  but  also  pre- 
pared orchards  and  planted  valuable  fruit  trees 
which  grew  spcndidly;  their  greatest  trouble  was 
the  lack  of  servants  and  some  of  them  desired 
wives.  In  addition  to  these  letters  Sven  Skute 
was  sent  to  Sweden  to  explain  the  conditions  more 
fully  and,  if  possible,  to  awaken  the  company  and 
government  to  action. 

The  Indians  continued  to  be  friendly,  but  the 


SOCIAL  AND  ECONOMIC  LIFE  OF  THE  COLONY  233 

trade  went  almost  entirely  to  the  Dutch.  Trad- 
ers from  Virginia  and  New  Amsterdam  visited 
the  setthmient  as  before,  "daily  offering  for 
sale  everything  one's  heart  can  desire,  although 
at  treble  prices";  and  in  1650  English  merchants 
from  Barbadoes  came  to  the  Delaware  with  their 
goods.  In  December  Gyllengren  in  company  with 
other  officers  was  sent  to  New  Amsterdam  to  pro- 
cure some  supplies  there,  and  he  purchased  "di- 
vers merchandise  amounting  to  the  sum  of  1581/1. 
good  winter  beavers." 

The  summer  and  autumn  of  1650  and  the  winter 
of  1651  passed  quietly,  and  there  were  few  dis- 
turbing elements.  The  summer  of  1651  was  fa- 
vorable for  the  crops,  and  the  colony  harvested 
"very  beautiful  grain  besides  all  other  valuable 
fruits,  and  nothing  was  needed  but  more  colon- 
ists." 

The  dispute  with  the  Dutch,  however,  took  a 
dangerous  turn  in  the  autumn.  Stuyvesant  had 
become  tired  of  the  many  complaints  which  came 
from  the  South  River.  Twice  he  had  determined 
to  go  there,  but  each  time  he  had  been  hindered. 
In  the  spring  of  1651  he  again  had  in  mind  to  pro- 
ceed in  person  to  Fort  Nassau,  but  urgent  duties 
once  more  detained  him.  He  knew  that  the  forces 
at  the  disposal  of  Printz  were  small  and  his  re- 
sources limited.  It  was  therefore  likely  that  a 
single  ship  would  be  able  to  restore  the  balance  of 


234  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

power  to  the  Dutch,  check  "the  insolence"  of  the 
Swedes  and  prevent  merchants  from  trading  in 
the  river  without  a  permit  from  the  Dutch  West 
India  Company  or  from  Stuyvesant.  Accordingly 
a  vessel  was  sent  to  the  South  River  in  the  begin- 
ning of  May.  "On  May  8,"  says  Printz,  "a  ship 
with  cannon  and  people  well  armed  arrived  here 
from  New  Amsterdam,  The  vessel  placed  itself 
half  a  mile  (about  3i/^  English  miles)  below  our 
Fort  Christina,  closing  the  river  so  that  no  ship 
could  i^roceecl  unmolested  either  up  or  down." 
But  Governor  Printz  was  not  daunted.  He  made 
ready  his  little  yacht,  and  ordered  it  with  people, 
cannon  and  ammunition  down  the  river  to  meet  the 
Dutch.  It  seems  that  the  captain  had  been  in- 
structed by  Stuyvesant  not  to  provoke  or  begin 
hostilities,  for  when  the  Swedish  yacht  appeared 
"he  tried  no  hostility  against"  it,  but  withdrew 
his  ship,  and  returned  to  Manhattan.  "And  thus," 
says  Printz,  "we  secured  the  river  open  again." 
It  was  now  clear  to  Stuyvesant  that  effective 
measures  must  be  taken  and  a  large  force  must 
be  employed,  if  he  were  to  be  able  to  cope  with 
the  active  and  alert  governor  of  New  Sweden.  He 
at  once  began  to  prepare  a  new  expedition.  He 
did  it  all  on  his  own  authority,  however,  without 
even  advising  the  directors  about  it,  and  the  prepa- 
rations were  conducted  so  secretly  that  Printz  was 
unaware    of   his    danger   before   the   Dutch    ap- 


SOCIAL   AND  ECONOMIC   LIFE   OF   THE  COLONY      235 

proaclied.  Stuyvesant  marched  across  the  coun- 
try with  120  men,  and  arrived  at  Fort  Nassau  on 
June  25,  where  eleven  ships  (four  well  armed), 
which  had  sailed  around  the  coast,  met  him.  To 
impress  the  Swedes  with  his  strength  he  cruised 
vrith  his  little  fleet  up  and  down  the  river,  "drum- 
ming and  cannonading."  Against  such  a  force 
Printz  could  accomplish  nothing.  He  manned  his 
yacht  with  thirty  men,  and  followed  the  Dutch, 
but  he  "did  not  dare  to  attempt  anything"  of  a 
hostile  character.  Governor  Stuyvesant  sent  let- 
ters and  messengers  to  Printz,  claiming  the  entire 
river  by  first  possession  and  discovery  and  cer- 
tain lauds  by  purchase,  effected  years  before  the 
Swedes  arrived.  Printz  in  turn  answered  these 
protests,  and  presented  arguments  for  the  Swed- 
ish claims. 

In  the  meantime  Stuyvesant  arranged  several 
conferences  with  the  Indians,  and  gained  their 
good  will  through  gifts  and  promises.  He  also 
obtained  title  to  the  land  on  the  west  side  of  the 
Delaware  from  Minquas  Kill  down  to  the  Bay. 
The  chief  Peminacka,  "as  the  present  and  ceding 
proprietor,"  speaking  for  the  other  chiefs,  pre- 
sented the  land  as  a  free  gift ;  his  only  stipulation 
being  that  "whenever  anything  was  the  matter 
with  his  gun,  it  should  be  repaired  for  nothing, 
and  when  he  came  empty  among  the  Dutch  they 
should  remember  [to  give]  him  some  maize."    As 


236  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

this  laud  had  been  bought  by  the  Swedes,  Printz 
at  ouce  called  a  coufereuce  of  the  ludiaus,  who 
formerly  owned  it,  and  disproved  the  Dutch  title. 
Protests  and  copies  of  deeds  were  thereupon  sent 
to  Governor  Stu5'"vesant,  but  he  paid  no  heed  to 
these  papers.  Having  ordered  the  force,  which 
came  across  the  country,  on  board  liis  little  fleet, 
he  sailed  down  the  river  to  a  convenient  spot  on 
the  west  bank  between  Christina  and  Elfsborg, 
and  landed  200  men  there.  The  erection  of  a  fort 
was  immediately  begun  on  a  peninsula  near  the 
present  New  Castle.  The  stronghold  was  com- 
pleted about  AugTist  1.  It  was  about  210  feet  long 
and  about  half  as  wide.  12  pieces  of  ordnance 
were  placed  on  its  bulwarks,  and  it  was  well  pro- 
vided with  ammunition.  It  was  called  Fort  Casi- 
mir,  for  what  reason  is  not  quite  clear.  Fort 
Nassau  was  demolished,  and  its  cannon  were  taken 
to  the  new  fort.  Port  Casimir  commanded  the 
river,  and  from  now  on  all  traders  were  compelled 
to  pay  duty  to  the  Dutch.  Two  warships  were 
also  stationed  in  the  Delaware  to  aid  the  garrison 
in  enforcing  Stuyvesant's  decrees.  During  his 
stay  Governor  Stuyvesant  broke  down  "Her 
Koyal  Majesty's  arms  and  pole,  made  prizes  of 
Virginian  barks,  and  compelled  the  English  to 
pay  duty  or  recognition  on  the  goods  they  had 
sold  to  the  Swedes  for  four  years"  past. 

When  the  directors  of  the  Dutch  West  India 


p  • 


c 


—T  ^'tr? 


y-"^?.' 
^^JJ'4-i 

Wt* 


Copy  of  t!i:  testimony  of  the  hiirs  of  Mitatsimint,  July  3,  1651.     Translated 
in  the  author's  SimAh'i  Settlements.  II.  757. 


SOCIAL   AND  ECONOMIC  LIFE   OF   THE  COLONY      237 

Company  heard  of  Stuyvesant's  expedition,  they 
were  greatly  surprised,  and  expressed  concern 
about  the  consequences.  ''God  grant,"  they  wrote, 
"that  what  your  Honor  has  done  may  turn  out  for 
the  best.  We  cannot  express  our  opinion  of  it, 
before  we  have  ....  heard  how  the  complaints  of 
the  Swedish  governor  will  be  received  by  the 
Queen."  The  directors  had  made  some  overtures 
about  fixing  the  boundaries  on  the  South  River 
by  a  treaty  with  Sweden,  but  no  definite  action 
seems  to  have  been  taken. 

VI. 

The  Dutch  were  now  masters  on  the  Delaware. 
The  two  warships  undoubtedly  returned  to  New 
Amsterdam  before  the  winter  set  in;  but  Printz 
had  not  a  sufficient  force  to  regain  what  the  Dutch 
had  taken  and  his  instruction  cautioned  him  to  be- 
gin no  hostility.  He  made  the  best  of  the  situa- 
tion, however,  concentrated  his  forces,  and 
awaited  new  arrivals  from  Sweden.  Fort  New 
Elfsborg  was  abandoned  and  left  to  decay,  as  it 
was  no  longer  the  key  to  the  river.  The  garrisons 
of  Molndal  and  New  Korsholm  were  also  with- 
drawn. The  Indians  fell  off  from  the  Swedes  on 
account  of  the  activities  of  Stuyvesant.  The 
beaver  trade  was  monopolized  by  the  Dutch,  and 
the  trade  with  foreign  merchants  was  poor.  The 
settlers  were  dissatisfied,  and  there  were  few  on 


238  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

whom  Printz  could  depend  in  an  emergency.  ''For 
three  years  and  nine  months"  the  governor  had 
had  "absolutely  no  orders  nor  assistance"  from 
the  mother  country,  and  he  was  becoming  nervous 
about  the  situation.  On  the  first  of  Augiist  he 
made  reports,  imploring  the  government  and  the 
company  to  send  new  cargoes  by  the  following 
spring.  But  the  spring  of  1652  passed,  bringing 
neither  ship  nor  succor  from  Europe. 

Printz,  however,  made  use  of  every  means  at 
his  command.  The  carpenters  were  kept  busy, 
mending  the  forts  and  building  boats,  when  they 
were  not  employed  in  the  erection  of  houses.  A 
sloop  had  been  built  at  the  wharf  of  Christina  for 
which  sails  were  brought  over  on  the  Swan  in 
1G48.  It  was  used  by  Printz  on  official  business, 
and  the  expenses  connected  with  its  construction 
and  rigging  out  were  charged  to  the  admiralty. 
The  governor  had  requested  the  company  to  sta- 
tion a  vessel  in  the  river,  which  could  be  used  for 
various  purposes ;  but  his  letters  were  not  even 
answered.  Consequently  he  determined  to  build 
a  ship  himself  and  in  August,  1652,  he  wrote  that 
"the  ship  was  ready  on  the  river  except  for  sails, 
tackle,  cannon  and  crew,  that  were  too  expensive 
to  hire  and  buy  here."  The  vessel  was  of  about 
200  tons  burden,  a  large  boat  for  that  time,  and  it 
seems  tliat   ''rinlz  intciuled  to  use  lier  in  doHnid- 


SOCIAL  AND  ECONOMIC  LIFE  OF  THE  COLONY  239 

ing  the  river,  as  well  as  for  preying  on  Spanish 
commerce. 

Heavy  rains  did  damage  to  the  grain  in  1652, 
and  *Hlie  troubles  were  daily  increasing,"  ''but 
the  freemen  had  bread  enough."  On  August  30 
Printz  again  wrote  to  the  authorities  in  Sweden. 
The  Indian  trade  was  ruined,  since  the  Swedes 
had  no  cargoes  to  sell;  the  savages  showed  signs 
of  unrest;  the  Hollanders  pressed  hard  upon  the 
settlement,  and  the  foreigners  expressed  the  opin- 
ion that  the  government  at  Stockholm  had  entirely 
forsaken  its  people  in  the  wilderness.  Printz  was 
ill  and  unable  to  exert  his  former  energy.  The 
Swedes  themselves  were  dissatisfied,  and  many 
deserted.  In  April  and  again  in  July  the  follow- 
ing year  Printz  dispatched  new  letters  and  re- 
ports. Supplies  and  people  must  be  sent,  he  says, 
or  "the  labor  and  expense  which  has  been  applied 
on  this  well  begun  work  will  come  to  nought. ' '  To 
emphasize  the  urgency  of  his  needs  he  also  sent 
his  son  Gustaf  Printz  to  the  fatherland. 

In  the  autumn  the  situation  reached  a  crisis,  and 
a  ''revolt"  arose  against  Governor  Printz.  Sev- 
eral colonists,  who  had  real  or  imaginary  griev- 
ances against  the  governor,  presented  a  written 
supplication  of  eleven  articles,  signed  by  twenty- 
two  settlers.  The  document  states  that  the  colon- 
ists were  "at  no  hour  or  time  secure  as  to  life  and 
property";  it  complained  that  the  settlers  were 


240  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

prohibited  from  trading  with  either  the  savages 
or  Christians,  although  the  governor  never  neg- 
lected an  opportunity  of  traffic  with  these  par- 
ties; the  governor  was  charged  with  and  accused 
of  passing  judgment  in  his  own  favor  against  the 
opinions  of  the  jury;  he  was  accused  of  forbid- 
ding the  colonists  from  grinding  their  flour  at  the 
mill  and  of  withholding  from  them  the  use  of  the 
"fish-waters,  the  trees  in  the  woods,  the  grass  on 
the  ground  and  the  land  to  plant  on,  from  which 
thej^  had  their  nourishment. ' '  On  account  of  these 
and  other  troubles  the  petitioners  said  thej^  "were 
obliged  to  send  two  men  to  Her  Royal  Majesty  and 
the  Honorable  Com]iany  in  the  mother  country 
to  ascertain  if  they  were  entirely  neglected  .... 
and  what  they  should  do,  since  they  were  not  able 
to  seek  their  sustenance  in  this  country."  The  pe- 
tition kindled  the  wrath  of  the  governor.  Anders 
Jonsson,  who  appears  to  have  been  the  leader  of 
the  opposition,  was  arrested,  tried  and  "executed 
on  a  charge  of  treachery  on  August  1,  IGoo. "  Rev. 
Lock  was  also  involved  in  the  disturbance,  but  for 
some  reason  his  freedom  and  office  were  not  inter- 
fered with. 

Two  days  after  the  execution  of  Anders 
Jonsson,  the  governor  re]")lied  to  the  charges.  The 
^petitioners  were  addressed  as  rebels,  and  their  pe- 
tition was  answered  point  for  point.  Only  the  fur 
trade  with  the  savages  was  prohil)ited  and  only 


SOCIAL  AND  ECONOMIC  LIFE  OF  THE  COLONY  241 

two  islands  belonging  to  the  place  of  the  gover- 
nor's residence  were  set  aside  for  Printz  ("and 
this  was  done  ....  before  Kingsessing  was  colon- 
ized," hence  they  had  no  right  to  complain); 
"everyone  had  liberty  to  grind  on  the  mill  for  toll, 
but  at  certain  times  only,  since  the  miller  dared 
not  remain  at  the  mill  continually  on  account  of 
the  savages. ' '  Printz  also  denied  all  other  charges, 
referring  to  the  documents,  minutes  and  judg- 
ments for  a  justification  of  his  acts;  and  he  was 
very  willing  to  have  two  men  go  to  Sweden,  "the 
sooner  the  better." 

But  the  answer  did  not  satisfy  the  petitioners, 
who  were  silenced  only  for  the  time  being.  In  a 
later  document  i^resented  the  following  year,  the 
old  charges  against  Governor  Printz  were  re- 
peated and  new  ones  were  put  forth.  The  free- 
men, says  the  complaint,  were  set  to  work  on  his 
plantations ;  they  built  his  houses  and  made  planks, 
which  he  appropriated  for  his  own  use  without  re- 
muneration; they  were  compelled  to  harvest  his 
grain  before  their  own,  and  their  sleds  were  taken 
from  them  in  harvest  time,  so  that  their  grain  was 
spoiled  by  the  rain.  ' '  Thus, ' '  continues  the  charge, 
"we  have  been  treated  more  contrary  to  law 
than  according  to  law.  For  example  Clemet  the 
Finn  had  a  hand-mill  together  with  Anders,  Johan 
and  Mans,  the  Finn.     [Later]  Clemet  bought  the 


242  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE  DELAWARE 

mill  from  the  other  Finns;  and,  when  he  got  the 
mill,  he  went  after  it  and  fetched  it  to  himself  in 
his  house.  As  this  [had  happened]  he  immediately 
made  it  known  to  the  governor.  Then,  when 
Clemet  came  to  church,  on  a  common  day  of 
prayer,  the  governor  called  Clemet  to  himself  be- 
fore the  sermon,  and  asked  him  why  he  had  taken 
the  mill  I  Clemet  answered:  Hhe  mill  is  mine.' 
Then  the  governor  said,  *you  rascal,  shall  you  take 
the  mill  without  asking  me  ? '  With  this  he  seized 
Clemet,  struck  him  firstly  in  the  hall  and  followed 
him  with  blows  and  strikes  until  he  fell  down,  and 
yet  further  he  struck  him  on  the  ground,  so  that 
he  lost  his  health  through  it.  In  addition  he  threw 
him  into  the  church,  and  the  day  after  he  let  him 
be  brought  into  the  chest  [prison]  at  Christina, 
where  he  lay  for  eight  days.  When  he  had  recov- 
ered somewhat  he  [the  governor]  took  him  out 
and  let  him  do  work  for  some  weeks. ' '  Such  and 
other  equally  grave  or  graver  charges  were  laid 
against  Printz,  but  we  must  make  allowance.  That 
some  of  the  charges  were  true  goes  without  saying, 
but  the  majority  were  undoubtedly  unfounded. 
Acrelius  gives  the  correct  view  when  he  says 
''that  it  is  probable  that  the  Swedes,  after  they 
came  to  this  Canaan  and  got  a  taste  of  an  un- 
known good,  tired  of  such  labor  as  was  nothing 


SOCIAL  AND  ECONOMIC  LIFE  OF  THE  COLONY  243 

more  than  was  usual  at  home,  and  thus  conceived 
an  unmerited  hatred  to  their  governor."* 

Printz  discharged  his  office  as  governor  with  no 
small  ability,  but  he  was  at  a  great  disadvantage 
on  account  of  inadequate  and  insufficient  assist- 
ance. He  petitioned  several  times  for  "a  learned 
and  able  man  who  could  administer  justice  and  at- 
tend to  the  law  business."  Very  intricate  cases 
came  up  and  "it  was  difficult  ....  for  one  and  the 
same  person  to  appear  in  court  as  a  plaintiff  as 
well  as  a  judge."  But  Printz  waited  in  vain  for 
an  assistant,  and  did  his  best  under  the  circum- 
stances. His  government  was  at  times  harsh  and 
probably  tyrannical,  but  it  required  a  strong  hand 
to  manage  the  rough  and  unruly  element.  The  ma- 
jority of  the  colonists  were  peaceful  and  law  abid- 
ing, but  there  were  those  who  had  little  regard  for 
order  and  law.  In  1650  Printz  reported  that  he 
had  not  thirty  men  under  his  charge  whom  he 
could  trust,  and  some  time  earlier  Papegoja  wrote 
that  '4t  was  very  hard  for  him  to  remain  here,  for 
he  received  only  rebuke  and  ingratitude  for  every- 
thing he  did;  and  besides  the  soldiers  cherished 
secret  hatred  towards  him,  and  if  they  could  find 

(*)  Tradition  of  the  tyranny  of  Printz  lived  on  among 
the  settlers  for  generations.  In  1759  Acrelius  writes:  "Some 
blame  was  put  on  Printz  that  he  was  too  strict  with  the 
people,  made  slaves  of  the  Swedes,  kept  them  to  work  on 
the  fort  and  his  Tinakongh  estate.  And  although  this  gossip 
is  still  circulated.  It  can  nevertheless  not  be  looked  upon 
otherwise  than  as  groundless."  Beskrif.,  p.  82;  the  author's 
Sioedish  Settlements,  I,  465. 


244  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

a  small  fault  in  liim,  they  would  likely  murder 
him."  Papegoja's  plaints  are  undoubtedly  ex- 
aggerated, but  go  far  to  prove  that  we  must  not 
take  the  accusations  against  Printz  too  literally. 
Very  serious  charges  were  similarly  made  against 
Stuyvesant,  Kieft  and  other  governors  of  New 
Netherland,  often  without  foundation. 

Governor  Printz,  however,  was  finding  his  po- 
sition quite  untenable  in  the  autumn  of  1653,  and 
at  last  determined  to  go  to  Sweden  in  person  to 
present  the  needs  of  his  settlement.  Elaborate 
preparations  were  made  for  his  departure.  In- 
dian chiefs  were  called  to  Printz  Hall  about  the 
end  of  September.  Speeches  were  made,  small 
gifts  were  distributed  among  the  savages,  prom- 
ises of  friendship  were  renewed,  and  Printz  gave 
the  aborigines  assurances  that  large  supplies 
would  arrive  within  a  few  months,  for  he  went 
himself  to  the  fatherland.  When  all  arrangements 
had  been  completed,  the  people  were  assembled  in 
the  church  for  farewell  services,  after  which  Gov- 
ernor Printz  formally  delivered  his  authority  to 
Johan  Papegoja,  promising  the  colonists  to  "pre- 
sent himself  there  in  person  or  send  over  a  ship 
with  a  cargo"  within  ten  months  from  October  1. 
About  the  beginning  of  October  he  went  to  New 
Amsterdam  with  his  wife  and  four  daughters,  and 
there  lie  took  passage  on  a  "Dutch  vessel,  hoping 
to  be  in  Sweden  in  about  two  months.     Henrick 


SOCIAL  AND  ECONOMIC  LIFE  OF  THE  COLONY  245 

Huygen  and  about  twenty-five  settlers  and  soldiers 
also  left  the  colony  with  Printz. 

After  the  departure  of  Printz  several  Swedes 
applied  for  permission  to  remove  to  New  Nether- 
land,  but  Stuyvesant  did  not  dare  to  accept  them, 
before  he  had  been  advised  about  it  by  the  direc- 
tors of  the  company.  Accordingly  he  wrote  to 
Holland  for  instructions.  The  directors  replied 
that  they  ''could  not  see  why  it  should  be  refused 
and  denied  ....  for  the  influx  of  free  persons  .... 
should  be  promoted  by  all  resolute  and  honest 
means."  Nevertheless  it  was  left  to  Stuyvesant 's 
judgment  to  do  what  he  saw  fit. 


PART  IV. 

t!Df)e  Hagt  ^eriob  of  ti)t  Colon?  Winttx 
^toetiigi)  mule,  1653=1655. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Renewed  Efforts  in  Behalf  of  the  Colony  and 
THE  Tenth  and  Ele\t;nth  Expeditions. 

I. 

Letters  of  Priiitz  to  Brahe  and  Oxenstierna, 
dated  April  26,  1653,  were  received  in  the  late 
summer  of  that  year.  The  authorities  were  finally 
impressed  with  the  fact  that  the  settlement  could 
no  longer  be  neglected.  The  council  of  state  dis- 
cussed the  colonial  enterprise  at  several  meetings, 
and  the  Queen  once  more  instructed  the  commer- 
cial college  to  take  over  the  management  of  the 
company.  Fortunately  Eric  Oxenstierna,  who  in 
August,  1652,  had  been  appointed  general  director 
of  the  college,  returned  to  Sweden  in  the  summer 
of  1653.  He  was  greatly  interested  in  the  colonial 
work,  and  at  once  made  efforts  to  send  out  a  new 
expedition.  Further  consultations  were  held  in 
the  council,  and  it  was  at  last  decided  that  the  va- 
rious requests  of  Printz  should  be  granted.  As 
the  admiralty  was  still  in  arrears  to  the  company 
for  several  thousand  R.  D.,  it  was  proposed  that 
the  government  should  prepare  the  ships  for  the 

249 


250  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

next  journej^  The  Queen  agreed  to  the  plan,  and 
instructed  the  admiralty  on  August  13  to  fit  out 
the  Wis7nar  for  a  voyage  to  New  Sweden.  The 
Queen  had  decided,  says  the  instruction,  to  send 
three  hundred  colonists  and  a  large  cargo  to  the 
South  River  in  order  that  the  colony  should  not 
go  to  ruin.  On  the  same  day  the  war  department 
was  ordered  to  supply  ammunition  for  the  colony 
according  to  an  enclosed  list. 

For  some  reason  *Hhe  crown's  ship  the  Orn 
lying  at  anchor  in  the  harbor  at  Stockholm,"  was 
selected  for  the  voyage  in  place  of  the  Wismar; 
and  Captain  Jan  Jansson  Bockhorn,  the  mate  on 
the  unfortunate  Katt  expedition,  was  appointed  to 
sail  the  vessel.  In  addition  to  the  Orn  the  com- 
pany arranged  to  prepare  the  Gyllene  Haj. 

As  prospective  emigrants  had  not  applied  in  suf- 
ficient numbers,  due  to  the  ill-fated  journey  of 
1649,  which  had  been  reported  far  and  wide,  Cap- 
tain Sven  Skute  was  appointed  to  hire  soldiers  and 
laborers,  and  to  prevail  upon  others  to  go  as  set- 
tlers. On  August  25  an  instruction  in  six  para- 
graphs was  issued  for  him.  He  should  hire  fifty 
soldiois,  including  those  already  engaged,  es- 
]iecially  such  as  had  a  trade,  and  he  was  to  collect 
250  colonists  "of  whom  the  greatest  part  must  be 
good  men,  fewer  women  and  fewest  children. "  He 
was  to  offer  the  soldiers  at  the  most  four  B.  D.  a 
monin,  h'ss  if  j^ossilile,  and  he  should  especially 


THE  TENTH  AND  ELEVENTH  EXPEDITIONS  251 

oiKleavoi'  to  find  farm  hands  and  colonists,  who 
were  willing  to  go  without  pay ;  but  such  as  needed 
financial  aid,  he  was  to  promise  a  certain  sum,  al- 
ways as  small  as  possible  and  in  no  case  more  than 
30  D.,  copper  money  annually,  until  they  could  be 
settled  on  lands  in  New  Sweden.  He  was  to  gather 
as  many  as  possible  at  Vasteras,  sending  them  at 
once  to  the  capital,  that  they  might  embark  on  the 
Orn.  From  Vasteras  he  was  to  proceed  to  Varm- 
land  and  Dalsland,  since  it  had  been  reported  that 
' '  a  good  many  of  those,  who  dwell  in  the  large  for- 
ests" of  these  provinces  were  willing  to  go  to 
New  Sweden. 

The  people  from  Vasteras  gradually  made  their 
appearance  in  Stockholm,  where  a  number  of  other 
men  who  had  been  hired  by  Hans  Kramer  (among 
them  a  millwright  engaged  at  a  wage  of  40  D,  a 
month).  Twelve  boys  from  the  building  college  of 
the  city  of  Stockholm  were  also  sent  to  New  Swe- 
den at  this  time.  The  Orn  left  Stockholm  on  Octo- 
ber 8.  Touching  at  Helsingor,  Copenhagen  and 
other  ports,  she  arrived  at  Gothenburg  on  Novem- 
ber 8.  The  soldiers  and  colonists  were  now  rushed 
to  the  city  to  be  in  readiness  for  embarking,  and 
the  cargo  was  loaded  onto  the  vessel.  Admiral 
Anckerhjelm,  who  had  been  appointed  by  the  com- 
mercial college  to  superintend  the  preparations  for 
the  expedition,  showed  great  diligence.  He  bought 
most  of  the  goods  with  his  own  money,  and  sup- 


252  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

plied  large  sums  to  the  sailors.  Upon  the  arrival 
of  the  ship  he  had  new  barrels  made  for  packing 
purposes  and  cabins  built  for  the  people.  Dis- 
putes arose  between  the  officers,  threatening  to 
retard  the  work,  but  his  interference  restored  or- 
der. 

In  the  meantime  the  Gyllene  Haj  was  detained 
at  Stockholm.  Slie  was  not  in  a  sea-faring  condi- 
tion, making  expensive  repairs  necessary.  By  the 
middle  of  November  she  was  ready  to  receive  lier 
cargo,  however ;  but  there  was  still  a  delay  of  sev- 
eral weeks.  It  seems  that  Hans  Amundsson  was 
greatly  to  blame.  He  had  been  appointed  captain 
of  the  ship  in  August,  but  was  old  and  unfit  for 
service. 

At  this  time  Gustaf  Printz  arrived  in  the  capi- 
tal. He  had  left  America  on  the  ship  Marie  with 
a  cargo  of  tobacco,  and  touched  at  Portsmouth  in 
September.  The  vessel  was  seized  by  order  of 
the  commissioners  of  customs  in  London,  but 
Printz  managed  to  reach  Stockholm,  where  he  ap- 
peared before  the  commercial  college,  and  re- 
]oorted  the  condition  of  the  colony.  This  gave  fur- 
ther impetus  to  the  preparations,  and  a  letter  was 
written  to  Governor  Printz,  requesting  him  to  re- 
main in  the  country,  as  assistance  would  be  sent 
immediately  and  he  would  be  rewarded  for  his 
service. 

While  proi)arations  were  in  progress  for  pro- 


THE  TENTH  AND  ELEVENTH  EXPEDITIONS  253 

visioniiig  the  ships  and  gathering  colonists,  steps 
were  taken  for  the  re-organization  of  the  company 
and   the   further   development   of   New   Sweden. 
Printz  was  to  remain  in  the  colony,  but  his  re- 
quest for  an  assistant,  who  could  aid  in  the  ''law 
business,"  was  to  be  granted,  and  Johan  Rising, 
the  secretary  of  the  commercial  college,  was  ap- 
pointed to  this  position.     Rising,  who  was  greatly 
interested  in  economic  and  judicial  questions,  had 
studied  abroad,  and  paid  close  attention  to  the 
colonial  policy  and  commercial  activity  of  Hol- 
land.    He  had  visited  England,  and  become  ac- 
quainted with  English  economic  theories  and  col- 
onial views,   and  he  had  been  engaged  by  the 
Swedish  government  to  write  a  treatise  on  com- 
merce, trade  and  agriculture,  being  considered  an 
authority  on  these  subjects.    He  was  of  a  practi- 
cal bent  of  mind,  and  a  patriot  whose  thoughts 
were  ever  occupied  with  problems,  that  concerned 
the  welfare  of  Swedish  shipping,  Swedish  trade 
and  Swedish  colonies ;  and  he  was  therefore  par- 
ticularly well  equipped  and  apparently  most  suit- 
able for  the  position  of  councillor  and  assistant  to 
Governor  Printz.     Rising  severed  his  connection 
with  the  commercial  college  about  the  end  of  Oc- 
tober, and  on  December  9  the  government  issued 
a  commission,  formally  appointing  him  to  his  po- 
sition, as  well  as  defining  his  duties  and  powers. 
17  On  December  12  a  number  of  other  documents 


454  THE  SWEDES   ON    THE   DELAWARE 

concerniug  Rising's  appointment  were  issued  by 
the  government,  and  an  order  was  sent  to  the  col- 
lege of  the  exchequer,  assigning  1,500  D.  for  his 
travelling  expenses.  In  addition  to  this  he  was 
knighted,  and  a  large  donation  of  land  in  New 
Sweden  was  given  to  him.  About  the  middle  of 
December  a  lengthy  instruction  was  prepared  by 
the  commercial  college,  and  a  memorial  relative  to 
his  long  voyage  was  signed  by  the  ofiftcers  of  the 
college.  He  was  to  proceed  to  Gothenburg  with- 
out delay.  On  his  arrival  there  he  was  to  inform 
the  magistrates  of  the  new  regulations,  which  had 
been  issued  concerning  New  Sweden,  and  he  was 
to  prevail  upon  private  people  to  send  merchan- 
dise on  the  ship  for  trade  in  the  colony.  He  was 
to  have  free  passage  to  Christina  for  himself  and 
ten  to  twelve  peasants  without  expense,  except 
that  he  must  pay  for  their  provisions.  He  was  to 
supervise  the  ships  during  the  voyage,  and  he 
should  see  to  it  that  divine  services  were  held,  that 
the  captains  followed  their  instructions,  and  that 
the  cargoes  were  well  preserved.  He  should  take 
the  shortest  route  to  New  Sweden,  and  not  go  by 
way  of  the  Canaries  unless  absolutely  necessary. 

Several  other  officers  were  likewise  engaged  to 
go  to  New  Sweden  at  this  time.  Among  these 
were  Peter  Martensson  Lindestrom  and  Elias 
Gyllengren  (who  returned  to  the  colony  in  the  ca- 
pacity of  lieutenant).    Lindestrom  was  appointed 


0io0\PHJA 


ATlERICt 

tdtr 


^ 


Title-page  of  Lindestrom's  Ccooraphia  Amc:i:ac.     Orisinal 
preserved  in  the  Riksarkiv,  Sto.k.,ol;ii. 


THE  TENTH  AND  ELEVENTH  EXPEDITIONS     255 

engineer.  On  October  31  the  commercial  college 
issued  a  recommendation  for  liim,  wliicli  states 
that  "since  the  bearer,  noble  and  well  born  Per 
Martensson  Lindestrom,  has  humbly  applied  for  a 
reconmaendation,  having,  with  the  consent  of  his 
parents,  determined  to  go  to  New  Sweden  for  fur- 
ther experience,"  the  college  presented  him  to  the 
favor  of  the  governor.  Lindestrom  attended  the 
University  of  Upsala  in  Ms  youth,  and  was  later 
employed  as  secretary  in  the  college  of  mines  for 
two  years.  Eeturning  to  the  university  to  com- 
plete his  studies,  he  specialized  in  mathematics 
and  the  art  of  fortifications,  until  he  "was  or- 
dered to  go  to  New  Sweden. ' ' 

Sven  Skute,  who  also  returned  to  the  colony  on 
the  Orn  was  appointed  "captain  of  the  lands- 
people."  His  instruction  states  that  he  was  to 
superintend  the  embarking  of  the  people  and  the 
loading  of  the  goods,  that  he  was  to  look  after  the 
cargoes  and  provisions  and  have  charge  of  the 
soldiers,  and  that  he  was  to  keep  a  diary  of  the 
journey. 

Some  of  the  officers  went  to  Gothenburg  with 
the  Orn,  but  Rising  made  the  journey  by  land.  He 
left  Upsala  on  December  19,  and  arrived  at  Goth- 
enburg December  27. 

The  authorities  seem  to  have  feared  that  grave 
danger  was  threatening  the  colony,  and  provisions 
were  made  for  every  extremity.    "In  case,"  says 


256  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

the  memorial  given  to  Rising,  "contrary  to  ex- 
pectations, Printz  should  have  left  the  country, 
[or  it  should  be  found]  that  our  forts  on  the 
river  are  captured  by  someone,  then  he  [Rising] 
shall  demand  their  return  in  the  name  of  Her 
Royal  IMajesty,  and  seek  in  every  possible  manner 
to  get  them  into  his  possession  again,  otherwise 
settle  and  fortify  some  other  place  in  the  river.  If 
this  could  not  be  done,  he  should  consult  with  the 
captains  about  what  was  best,"  and  then  either 
settle  the  colonists  in  some  other  place  in  Amer-. 
ica  or  return  again  [to  Sweden]." 

Before  sailing  Rising  was  informed  of  Printz 's 
arrival  in  Europe,  and,  fearing  that  the  settlement 
was  captured,  he  looked  about  for  other  places 
suitable  for  the  founding  of  a  colony.  "With 
Ankerhjelm,"  he  says,  "I  have  discussed  the  pos- 
sibilities of  getting  a  foothold  in  Florida.  He 
stated  that  he  well  knows  there  are  large  tracts 
there  which  are  not  occupied;  but,  because  the 
Spaniards  are  appropriating  everything  to  them- 
selves [in  that  territory]  and  on  account  of  the 
ferocity  of  the  savages,  he  [thought]  no  one  could 
plant  [successful]  colonies  there  [unless  frequent 
reinforcements  were  sent].  [He]  therefore  con- 
sidered it  wisest to  settle  somewhere  on  the 

South  River,"  in  case  it  should  be  necessary  to 
select  new  territory. 

The  Orn  was  ready  to  depart  in  the  beginning  of 


THE  TENTH  AND  ELEVENTH  EXPEDITIONS  257 

January.  Tlie  soldiers  and  colonists  were  re- 
viewed near  Gothenburg.  Their  passes  were  ex- 
amined, and  '' persons  of  evil  repute  were  mus- 
tered out  and  regulated."  Colonists  were  now 
plentiful,  and  about  a  hundred  families  had  to  be 
left  behind  for  want  of  room  in  the  vessel.  On 
January  5  the  wind  was  favorable,  and  everything 
was  in  readiness;  but  the  Gyllcne  Haj  had  not 
rnade  her  appearance.  Large  supplies  were  ex- 
pected with  the  vessel,  and  it  was  found  necessary 
to  await  her  arrival,  since  the  provisions  of  the 
Orn  had  been  nearly  consumed. 

After  long  delays  the  Haj  finally  left  Stockholm 
on  November  23  with  forty-one  persons  on  board 
and  a  supply  of  provisions.  Contrary  winds  seem 
to  have  interfered,  for  on  December  17  the  ship 
was  at  Dalaron,  only  a  short  distance  from  the 
capital.  On  the  thirtieth  she  was  in  the  Sound, 
where  six  sailors  with  a  servant  and  a  prisoner 
deserted.  Four  new  sailors  were  hired,  and  the 
vessel  again  set  sail  about  January  2;  but  she 
failed  to  reach  Gothenburg  in  a  reasonable  time, 
the  wind  being  contrary.  On  January  17,  she  ar- 
rived at  last,  leaky  and  in  bad  condition. ' '  Through 
the  negligence  of  the  sailors  she  had  run  on  banks 
in  the  Sound  and  broken  her  main  mast  and 
anchor. 

Provisions  and  supplies  were  immediately 
transferred  to  the  Orn^  which  was  ordered  to  pro- 


258  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

ceed  with  the  first  favorable  wind,  leaving  the  Haj 
to  follow  as  soon  as  possible.  But  the  wind  was 
contrary  for  many  days,  causing  further  delay  and 
expense.  On  Januar^'^  26  there  was  a  ray  of  hope, 
the  wind  was  turning  and  Rising  ordered  that  the 
anchor  should  be  weighed  the  following  morning. 
At  daybreak  on  the  twenty-seventh  the  soldiers 
and  colonists  swore  their  oath  of  loyalty  to  the 
Swedish  crown  and  the  New  Sweden  Company 
'^ under  a  banner  made  for  this  purpose."  But 
disappointment  was  again  in  store  for  the  emi- 
grants. The  wind  turned,  delaying  the  vessel  an- 
other week.  On  February  2,  however,  the  wind 
filled  the  sails,  but  it  took  almost  a  day  to  clear 
the  harbor  on  account  of  the  ice.  After  two  days 
sailing  the  vessel  reached  Skagen.  Here  a  strong 
northerly  wind  drove  her  back  again  towards  Jut- 
land, where  she  became  leaky,  having  a  large  hole 
in  the  bow,  which  greatly  alarmed  the  passengers. 
''The  leak  was  mended  as  well  as  possible"  (caus- 
ing much  trouble  on  the  way,  however),  and  on  the 
sixth  they  again  had  a  favorable  wind.  Their  in- 
tention was  to  sail  north  of  Scotland,  perhaps  to 
avoid  English  and  Dutch  warships;  but  when  they 
arrived  "at  the  end  of  Scotland"  they  faced  a  ter- 
rible storm,  which  drove  them  back  along  the 
coast.  On  the  morning  of  February  16  they  had 
gone  as  far  as  the  Straits  of  Dover;  but  the  cap- 
tain was  confused,  since  he  had  been  unable  to 


THE  TENTH  AND  ELEVENTH  EXPEDITIONS  259 

make  observations  for  a  number  of  days.  He  soon 
discovered  that  they  were  near  Calais,  and  cast 
anchor  there.  Peter  Lindestrom  tells  a  *  travel- 
ler's tale  from  the  visit":  pies  made  from  the 
flesh  of  human  beings  were  offered  to  the  Swedes 
for  sale.  A  barber,  finding  it  profitable  business, 
murdered  his  customers  by  placing  them  above  a 
trap  door,  which  gave  way,  when  a  spring  was 
pressed,  and  landed  his  poor  victims  in  the  cellar. 
Here  they  were  killed  and  sold  to  the  pie  baker. 
Let  those  that  travel  beware! 

From  Calais  the  Orn  took  a  westerly  course 
through  the  English  Channel.  In  the  Straits  of 
Dover  the  Swedes  were  intercepted  by  an  English 
warship.  Having  established  their  identity,  how- 
ever, they  were  well  received,  and  an  English  pass 
was  given  to  them.  They  were  also  offered  water 
and  other  refreshments,  but  Captain  Bockhorn, 
being  ill  disposed  towards  the  English,  declined, 
although  his  water  supply  was  exhausted.  The 
Swedes  were  therefore  compelled  to  seek  water 
elsewhere  before  leaving  Europe.  In  the  mean- 
time the  wind  turned,  driving  the  Orn  back  past 
Dover  to  Deal,  wliere  fresh  water  was  finally  ob- 
tained but  ^*at  a  cost  of  money."  On  February 
22  their  sails  were  swelled,  but  at  Folkestone  they 
encountered  head  winds.  On  the  twenty-fifth, 
however,  a  favorable  l)reeze  arose,  which  soon 
changed  to  a  storm,  and  on  the  twenty-seventh  they 


26o  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE   DELAWARE 

ran  into  Weymouth  harbor  to  replenish  their  sup- 
plies. A  contrary  gale  blew  for  several  days, 
giving  the  Swedes  an  opportunity  to  see  the  town 
and  recuperate  after  the  rough  voyage.  They 
were  well  treated  by  the  local  governor,  who  enter- 
tained the  Swedish  officers  in  his  castle  until  mid- 
night. "One  evening  the  city  musicians  also  .  . . 
honored  us,  "says  Lindestrom,  "with  a  sere- 
nade of  most  delightful  and  pleasing  music,  so 
that  we  had  to  open  our  purses." 

"On  the  third  of  March  they  sailed  out  of  Wey- 
mouth, while  there  was  quite  a  good  wind  out 
towards  the  Atlantic  Ocean."  On  the  ninth  of 
March  they  were  off  the  coast  of  Portugal,  where 
they  came  within  hail  of  three  Swedish  ships  from 
Gothenburg  on  their  way  to  Setubal  to  fetch  salt. 
Later  tliej^  encountered  terrific  storms.  Many  of 
the  passengers  and  sailors  became  ill,  and  several 
died.  On  the  nineteenth  they  fortunately  reached 
the  Canar}^  Islands.  Captain  Bockhorn  with  some 
of  the  best  sailors  went  ashore  to  exhibit  the  pass, 
but  he  was  detained  over  night,  causing  much 
anxiety  among  tlie  Swedes.  At  noon  the  follow- 
ing day  he  returned,  however,  accompanied  by 
Governor  Don  Philipo  Disalago,  who  came  with 
three  yachts  "and  a  large  suite"  and  showed  the 
Swedes  every  kindness.  The  governor  invited 
T?ising  with  his  staff  to  dinner.  When  the  hour 
for  dinner  approached  a  negro  slave  was  ordered 


THE  TENTH  AND  ELEVENTH  EXPEDITIONS  26 i 

to  attend  each  Swedish  officer  with  a  sun  shade  on 
the  way  to  the  palace.  The  banquet  was  sumptu- 
ous, "I  am  not  able  to  do  justice  in  describing 
the  magnificent  treatment  we  received. ,  .from 
the  governor,"  says  Lindestrom.  ''Although 
there  was  no  meat,  bread  or  suchlike  on  the  table, 
yet  the  dinner  was  so  magnificent  that  we  had 
never  seen  the  like  before.  ...  It  consisted  entirely 
of  confections  and  different  kinds  of  wine." 
Toasts  were  exchanged  and  the  festivities  lasted 
towards  midnight. 

The  passengers  and  sailors  were  likewise  per- 
mitted to  land  the  following  day,  but  when  they 
left  the  ship  to  go  on  shore 

"the  town  people  collected,  made  a  great  noise,  and 
picked  up  stones,  which  they  threw  at  them,  so  that 
some  of  the  Swedes  received  serious  injuries.  Rising 
then  sent  Lieutenant  Gyllengren  and  Peter  Lindestrom 
to  the  governor  to  make  complaints,  whereupon  he  com- 
missioned one  of  his  principal  servants  to  send  an  of- 
ficer with  several  drummers  beating  the  drum  all  round 
the  city  and  at  the  entrance  of  all  streets  to  proclaim 
peace,  and  that,  if  any  person  dared  to  attack  the  Swedes 
in  any  manner  whatsoever,  he  should  forfeit  his  life." 

This  had  the  desired  effect,  and  from  now  on 
the  Swedes  were  unmolested.  Refreshments  of 
various  kinds  which  were  supplied  to  them  re- 
vived their  spirits.  The  majority  recuperated, 
''but  many  died  in  the  harbor." 

On  March  25  they  gave  a  farewell  salute  to  the 


2^2         THE  SWEDES  ON  THE  DELAWARE 

Canaries,  being  favored  with  ''a  north-east  wind." 
Fresh  supplies,  increased  by  quantities  of  fish  and 
sea  crabs  caught  on  the  journey,  added  somewhat 
to  the  comfort  of  the  passengers,  but  as  the  heat 
increased  on  their  south-western  course  violent 
disease  broke  out  among  the  passengers,  some  be- 
ing so  affected  with  dysentery  and  intermittent 
fever  ''that  they  jumped  into  the  sea.  . . .  Those 
who  did  so  in  the  day  time  were  pulled  out 
again,  but  those  who  jumped  through  the  port 
holes  at  night  were  not  rescued."  But  "Nulla  ca- 
lamitas  sola,"  exclaims  Lindestrom,  who  goes  on 
to  relate  that  three  Turkish  ships  pursued  them 
for  some  distance  with  the  purpose  of  attacking 
them.  Every  man  able  to  hold  a  gun  was  ordered 
on  deck,  and  brandy  was  distributed  to  strengthen 
them.  As  the  Turks  discovered  the  great  force 
on  the  vessel,  they  withdrew,  leaving  the  Orn  to 
go  on  its  journey.  After  the  Turks  had  disap- 
peared thanksgiving  services  were  conducted  on 
board. 

l\^ien  they  approached  the  Caribbees,  three 
weeks  later,  it  became  necessary  to  land,  "for 
Uicir  misery  was  increasing  daily";  and  on  Sun- 
day, April  16,  they  put  into  the  harbor  of  St. 
Christopher.  After  the  Sabbath  services  Captain 
Skute  with  some  soldiers  went  ashore  to  present 
their  passport  to  Governor  Everett,  who  received 
them  well,  and  sent  them  several  boats  full  of  re- 


THE  TENTH  AND  ELEVENTH  EXPEDITIONS  263 

freshments.  On  April  17,  the  officers  were  invited 
to  dinner  by  the  widow  of  the  former  governor, 
now  the  wife  of  George  Marsh.  On  the  following 
day  Rising  hired  two  horses  from  Marsh,  and 
rode,  with  Lindestrom,  to  the  residence  of  the 
French  Governor  General,  a  distance  of  twenty- 
five  miles,  to  inquire  about  the  shipwrecked 
Swedes  at  St.  Crnz.  The  governor  received  them 
very  courteously,  saying  that  the  Swedes  had  left 
long  before,  but  if  any  still  remained  they  would 
be  free  to  depart.  When  Rising  returned,  his 
people  were  very  ill,  longing  for  fresh  food.  To 
mitigate  their  suffering  he  bought  a  large  ox  ("for 
three  pieces  of  Holland  cloth"),  which  was  butch- 
ered and  roasted  and  distributed  among  them. 

On  April  19,  they  continued  the  voyage,  and 
twelve  days  later  were  close  to  the  American  coast. 
In  the  moraing  of  May  2  they  entered  the  Bay  of 
Virginia.  Here  a  severe  thunderstorm  overtook 
them.  The  sails  were  quickly  removed;  yet  the 
ship  turned  on  her  side  with  the  masts  in  the  wa- 
ter, making  it  necessary  to  cut  the  main  mast,  be- 
fore the  ship  righted  herself.  "Several  men  on 
the  upper  deck  were  thrown  into  the  sea  and  lost." 
As  a  result  of  the  misfortunes  the  Swedes  were 
delayed  several  days  in  the  bay.  On  the  fifth  they 
again  turned  north  with  a  favorable  wind,  but  the 
weather  was  cloudy,  making  it  impossible  for  the 
mariners  to  take  their  bearings.    On  the  ninth  day 


264  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

of  sailing,  the  captain,  thinking  that  they  had 
passed  the  Bay  of  New  Sweden,  gave  orders  to  go 
south  again.  On  the  twelfth  they  arrived  at  Cape 
Henry,  supposing  they  were  in  the  mouth  of  the 
South  River.  In  the  bay  they  experienced  an- 
other gust  of  wind.  The  ship  was  pressed  down 
till  her  nettings  were  almost  under  water.  Her 
masts  stood,  but  the  fore  and  mizzen  sails  snap- 
ped from  the  rigging  like  paper  and  were  carried 
far  out  to  sea. 

After  an  unsuccessful  attempt  to  establish  con- 
nections with  two  English  vessels,  which  fled  from 
them  in  the  belief  that  they  were  pirates,  informa- 
tion as  to  their  whereabouts  was  gained  from  an 
Englishman,  who  came  on  board  the  Orn.  The 
passengers  were  now  very  sick,  some  dying  daily, 
but  the  fresh  water,  which  was  brought  on  board, 
revived  them  a  little.  On  May  16  they  continued 
their  journey,  and  reached  New  Sweden  Bay  two 
days  later.  ''Here  the  wind  again  betrayed  them," 
but  on  May  20  the  sails  were  swelled,  and  in  the 
evening  they  arrived  before  Fort  Elfsborg,  where 
they  cast  anchor. 

When  the  commander  of  Fort  Casimir  observed 
the  Orn  riding  at  anchor  before  Elfsborg,  he 
raised  the  Prince's  flag  and  sent  Andrian  van 
Tienhoven  with  four  freemen  on  board  the  ship 
''to  ascertain  whence  she  came."  They  remained 
on  board  over  night,  "being  well  treated,"  and 


THE  TENTH  AND  ELEVENTH  EXPEDITIONS  265 

from  these  Rising  learnt  the  condition  of  the 
Swedish  colony  and  the  weakness  of  the  Dutch 
fort.  He  told  the  Dutch  that  he  would  demand 
the  surrender  of  Fort  Casimir,  which  had  been 
placed  on  land  belonging  to  the  crown  of  Sweden, 
while  they  in  turn  assured  him  "that  they  cared 
not  who  possessed  the  fort  as  long  as  they  were 
allowed  to  dwell  there  safely  and  freely." 

As  the  wind  was  favorable  the  following  morn- 
ing (Trinity  Sunday)  Rising  gave  orders  to  pro- 
ceed. In  a  council  which  was  held  on  board  it  was 
decided  that  they  "should  try  at  this  opportunity 
[to  gain  possession  of  Fort  Casimir] ,  yet  without 
force  and  hostility  but  with  proper  remonstrances 
...  of  their  rights."  At  about  eleven  o'clock  the 
ship  anchored  before  the  Dutch  fort,  whereupon 
Rising  sent  Captain  Sven  Skute  and  Lieutenant 
Elias  Gyllengren  ashore  "with  three  files  of  Mus- 
keteers" to  demand  the  surrender  of  the  strong- 
hold. Commander  Bicker,  who  saw  the  useless- 
ness  of  resistance,  met  the  Swedes  on  the  shore, 
"welcomed  [them]  as  friends,  and  brought  Sven 
Skute  into  the  fort"  for  a  conference.  Skute 
presented  the  Swedish  rights  to  the  land  and  fort, 
"promising  Bicker,  his  soldiers  and  colonists  all 
liberty  and  good  offers,"  if  he  would  capitulate 
without  resistance.  Bicker,  however,  desiring  a 
little  time  for  consultation,  "sent  Van  Tienhoven 
on  board  the  Oni  with  three  others  to  request 


266  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

three  days  delay.  In  the  meantime  Gyllen- 
gren  marched  his  soldiers  into  the  fort,  as  the 
gates  were  open  and  poorly  guarded.  "When  the 
Hollanders  wanted  to  use  their  guns,"  they  were 
told  to  put  them  down  again,  "and  thus  the 
Swedes  took  possession  of  Fort  Casimir  without 
hostility."  A  Swedish  flag,  taken  from  the  Orn, 
was  then  raised  ahove  the  fort  instead  of  the 
Dutch,  which,  it  is  said,  "Bicker  caused  his  own 
boy  to  haul  down."  Thereupon  another  salute 
was  fired  from  the  Orn,  answered  by  the  guns  of 
the  fort.  The  name  was  changed  to  Fort  Trinity 
"because  it  was  taken  on  Trinity  Sunday,"  and 
Lieutenant  Gyllengren  with  some  soldiers  was  or- 
dered to  remain  there.  Twenty-one  houses  sur- 
rounded the  fortress,  some  of  which  were  occu- 
pied by  freemen.  The  fort  at  the  time  of  its  sur- 
render was  garrisoned  by  nine  soldiers,  and  armed 
with  thirteen  cannon;  but  there  was  no  powder 
and  the  muskets  were  with  the  gunsmith. 

After  the  capture  the  conditions  were  read  to 
the  Dutch,  upon  which  they  would  be  taken  under 
the  protection  of  the  Swedish  crown.  "Thej^  were 
well  satisfied  with  their  remonstrance,"  promising 
to  appear  at  the  earliest  opportunity  before  the 
Swedish  council  to  swear  their  oath  of  allegiance. 

On  May  22  the  Orn  arrived  at  Christina.  About 
a  month  and  a  half  later  the  ship  was  ready  to  re- 
turn to  Sweden,  and  on  July  15,  the  sails  were 


THE  TENTH  AND  ELEVENTH  EXPEDITIONS  267 

loosened  from  the  yards,  aud  opened  to  invite  the 
breeze.  The  return  voyage  was  a  long  and  danger- 
ous one.  The  ship  went  to  St.  Martin  for  repairs, 
thence  to  Firth,  and  arrived  at  Gothenburg  about 
July  24. 

II. 

In  the  beginning  of  1654  as  soon  as  the  Orn  had 
gone  to  sea  preparations  for  the  Gyllene  Haj  were 
begun  again.  But  matters  progressed  slowly,  and 
as  late  as  February  10  Aukerhjelm  reported  that 
the  ship  was  leaking.  The  admiral  seemed  to 
have  had  doubts  as  to  the  success  of  the  jour- 
ney. ''I  know  not  how  the  voyage  with  the 
Gyllene  Haj  will  turn  out,'"  he  wrote;  "the  cap- 
tain pays  little  attention  to  the  ship,  and  each 
officer,  is,  I  understand  his  own  master,  so  that  one 
will  not  give  in  to  the  other.  A  short  time  ago  a 
soldier  gave  the  mate  two  black  eyes,  on  account 
of  which  I  have  placed  the  former  under  arrest 
on  the  crown's  ship  Hercules." 

Captain  Amundsson,  who  had  been  appointed 
head  of  the  expedition,  was  finally  removed  from 
his  post,  as  he  had  proved  himself  utterly  incom- 
petent. It  seems,  however,  that  too  many  duties 
had  been  assigned  to  him,  and  two  men  Sven  Hook 
and  Hendrick  von  Elswick  were  assigned  to  his 
post.  Hook  was  to  command  the  vessel  en  the 
voyage,  and  to  supervise  the  ship-building  in  New 


268  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE   DELAWARE 

Sweden.  Hendrick  von  Elswick,  who  had  been 
recommended  by  Rising  to  the  position  of  ''head 
merchant"  in  the  colony,  was  to  have  superior 
command  on  the  voyage,  and  was  to  argue  the 
claims  of  the  Katt  expedition  before  the  governor 
of  Porto  Rico. 

As  Captain  Hans  Amundsson  had  private  claims 
in  Porto  Rico  to  look  after,  he  was  permitted  to 
go  on  the  Haj  with  his  family  and  two  servants, 
promising  to  assist  Elswick  as  much  as  he  could. 

In  the  beginning  of  March,  definite  information 
reached  the  commercial  college  that  Printz  was  in 
Holland  on  his  way  home.  A  commission,  appoint- 
ing Johan  Rising  director  of  New  Sweden  and 
Sven  Skute,  commander  of  the  military  forces, 
was  drafted  in  the  beginning  of  March,  and  en- 
trusted to  Elswick,  who  was  to  deliver  it  on  his 
arrival  in  New  Sweden. 

Obstacles  of  many  kinds  delayed  the  expedition. 
Elswick  found  that  the  ship  was  poorly  armed  and 
without  ammunition.  Time  was  consumed  before 
these  things  could  be  supplied.  Finally  a  ship 
carpenter  and  a  couple  of  sailors  were  lacking. 
Both  Elswick  and  Admiral  Ankerhjelm  did  their 
utmost  to  8up])ly  these  wants,  but  days  and  weeks 
passed,  and  the  ship  had  to  ride  at  anchor,  waiting 
for  insignificant  necessities.  Finally,  on  March 
31,  Elswick 's  luggage  was  brought  on  board,  the 
peojile  took  their  oath  of  allegiance,  and  a  good 


THE  TENTH  AND  ELEVENTH  EXPEDITIONS  269 

wind  was  the  only  tiling  lacking.  "But  some  of 
the  people  were  bad",  the  mate  was  incompetent 
and  a  ' '  rascal ' ',  and  many  things  foreboded  an  un- 
happy journey. 

A  few  of  the  emigrants,  w^ho  could  not  find  room 
on  the  Oni,  went  with  this  ship,  and  a  number  of 
soldiers  and  servants  were  also  on  the  boat.  Un- 
favorable weather  delaj^ed  the  Haj  for  another  two 
weeks,  but  on  April  15  she  at  last  got  under  way 
"with  a  good  wind."  Three  days  later  contrary 
w^inds  compelled  the  Swedes  to  run  into  a  Nor- 
wegian harbor,  but  on  the  following  day  they  were 
able  to  resume  their  journey,  and  arrived  at  Villa 
Franca  of  the  Azores  on  the  thirteenth  of  May. 
Here  they  remained  for  a  week,  replenishing  their 
stores  of  water  and  provisions.  The  seal  of  their 
letter  from  the  King  of  Spain,  was  broken  by  the 
governor  of  the  island,  who  suspected  their  mis- 
sion to  Porto  Rico,  and  other  troubles  met  them. 

During  the  night  of  May  20  the  anchor  was 
heaved,  the  Haj  w^as  covered  watli  canvass  and  the 
ship  was  soon  making  for  America.  But  calms 
and  irregular  winds  were  encountered,  and  many 
of  the  passengers  became  sick  on  the  wearisome 
journey.  After  three  weeks  the  water-supply 
became  very  low,  but  the  Swedes  were  fortunately 
drawing  near  the  Caribbees  and  on  the  seventeenth 
of  June  they  landed  on  the  island  of  St.  Christo- 
pher— twenty-eight    days    after    their    departure 


270  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

from  Villa  Franca.  On  June  26,  when  new  sup- 
plies had  been  brought  on  board,  they  continued 
their  journey,  arriving  at  Porto  Rico  four  days 
later.  Governor  Jacobus  de  Aquilera  "waited  on 
the  shore  with  his  Cnrethe  and  many  prominent 
persons,  immediately  sending  a  large  boat  which 
took  ...  [Elswick]  ashore."  The  passengers 
and  crew  went  ashore  the  following  day  (July 
1).  Hans  Amundsson  died  on  the  island  July  2, 
and  was  buried  outside  the  city.  The  mate  at- 
tempted "to  run  away,"  but  was  kept  in  irons  in 
the  prison  by  Elswick  until  the  ship  sailed. 

On  August  15  the  Haj  left  Porto  Rico  for  New 
Sweden.  The  people  were  well,  supplies  were 
plentiful,  and  all  were  in  a  happy  mood;  but  the 
expedition  was  destined  to  fail  in  its  purpose.  By 
a  mistake  the  ship  passed  Delaware  Bay,  and 
"through  carelessness  or  rather  wickedness  of 
the  mate"  she  was  led  into  "an  unknown  passage 
behind  Staten  Island  tow^ards  the  Raritans  Kill," 
where  she  was  siezed  by  order  of  Director  Stuy- 
vesant.  The  officers  of  the  ship  were  arrested  and 
kept  in  custody  for  some  time.  Elswick  protested 
orall}^  and  in  writing  against  the  action  of  the 
Dutch;  Itut  to  no  avail.  The  Ilaj  and  its  cargo  re- 
mained in  possession  of  the  Dutch  West  India 
Com.])any.  The  name  of  the  ship  w^as  changed  to 
hicmcn,  and  she  was  used  "for  the  West  Indian 
trade."     The  majority  of  the  i)assengers  and  crew 


THE  TENTH  AND  ELEVENTH  EXPEDITIONS  271 

of  the  ship,  including  the  carpenter,  remained  in 
New  Amsterdam,  persuaded  thereto  by  Stuy- 
vesant.  When  Elswick  had  done  all  in  his  power 
to  effect  a  settlement  he  left  for  New  Sweden. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

The  Colony  Under  Rising  and  Papegoja^ 
1653-1655. 


Conditions  in  the  colony  did  not  improve  after 
the  departure  of  Printz.  Several  settlers,  having 
been  politely  refused  citizenship  in  New  Nether- 
land,  applied  secretly  to  the  authorities  in  Vir- 
ginia and  Maryland  for  permission  to  go  there. 
Here  they  received  a  hearty  welcome,  and  fifteen 
settlers  deserted  to  the  English  colony  on  the 
south.  "When  Papegoja  became  aware  of  their 
flight,  he  hired  Indians  "to  bring  them  back";  but 
they  resisted,  "and  put  themselves  on  the  defence 
against  the  savages  who  had  been  sent  after  them, 
[so  that  two]  . .  .  were  struck  down,  whose 
heads  were  brought  into  Fort  Christina."  The 
assistant  commissary,  Gotfried  Harmer,  seems  to 
have  been  the  leader.  He  wrote  letters  to  some  of 
the  Swedes  after  his  arrival  in  Virginia,  advising 
them  to  leave  the  colony  and  join  the  English.  It 
was  also  said  that  Henrick  Huygen  played  false  to 
the  Swedes.  Nothing  further  is  known  of  th« 
?7§ 


2  74  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

events  in  New  Sweden  from  October,  1653,  until 
May ,  1654,  except  that  the  Indians  fired  Fort 
Korsholm. 

On  Sunday  morning,  May  21,  1654,  the  colonists 
on  their  way  to  church  were  startled  by  the  roar 
of  cannon.  It  was  the  Orn  giving  the  Swedish 
salute  before  Fort  Casimir!  A  ship  had  arrived 
at  last!  "Vice-Commissary  Jacob  Svensson  with 
some  Swedish  freemen"  was  ordered  down  the 
river  to  confirm  the  hopes,  A  little  later  the  yacht 
bringing  Vice-Governor  Jolian  Papegoja  was  sail- 
ing down  the  stream.  As  soon  as  Rising  had  made 
provisions  for  the  proper  maintenance  of  Fort 
Casimir  he  sailed  up  to  Christina.  The  emi- 
grants ''were  now  ver}^  ill  on  the  ship,  and  the 
smell  was  so  strong  that  it  was  impossible  to 
endure  it  any  longer.  It  was  therefore  agreed  that 
Papegoja  should  bring  the  people  ashore  in  the 
morning  with  the  sloop,  the  yacht  and  other  crafts, 
which  was  accordingly  done  on  the  twenty-second. 
Some  of  the  people  were  distributed  among  the 
freemen  up  in  the  river,  others  taken  to  Fort 
Christina,  where  they  were  nursed  with  all  care." 
The  sailors  were  also  so  sick  and  weak  that  "they 
could  not  lift  the  anchor  nor  row  the  boat,  without 
the  aid  of  the  old  colonists." 

In  the  afternoon  of  May  23,  Bicker  accompanied 
by  the  Dutch  soldiers  and  colonists  of  the  Sand- 
Jiook  presented  himself  at  Fort  Christina.      The 


THE  COLONY  UNDER  RISING  AND  PAPEGOJA  275 

new  and  liberal  concessions  granted  to  settlers  in 
New  Sweden  were  read  to  them,  and  contrasted 
with  the  less  favorable  privileges  enjoyed  in  New 
Netherland.  The  injuries  they  had  caused  the 
Swedes  were  recounted;  but  these  would  all  be 
forgotten,  and  they  would  be  treated  as  friends  and 
good  neighbors,  if  they  would  swear  allegiance  to 
the  Swedish  crown  and  the  New  Sweden  Com- 
pany, and  become  faithful  subjects  of  Her  Royal 
Majesty.  ''Thereupon  all  begged  pardon"  for 
what  they  had  done  in  the  past  against  the  Swedish 
colony,  "blaming  everything  on  to  General  Stuy- 
vesant,"  and  expressed  "with  one  mouth"  a  desire 
to  remain  in  New  Sweden  as  Swedish  subjects. 
"They  then  took  the  oath  in  the  open  air  with  a 
waving  banner  overhead,"  signing  their  names 
to  the  documents,  after  which  they  were  welcomed 
as  subjects  of  the  crown,  and  invited  to  join  in  a 
festive  meal  in  honor  of  the  occasion.  Two  of  the 
Dutch  were  ordered  to  leave,  as  they  were  un- 
desirable citizens.  Another  Hollander,  "Alex- 
ander Boyer,  was  declared  to  be  an  evil  and  ill 
reputed  man,  but  [he]  had  a  Swedish  wife.  Simon 
Lane  and  Thomas  Brown,  two  Englishmen,  were 
also  placed  in  the  same  register.  There  was  some 
hesitation  about  these  three,  whether  they  should 
be  accepted  or  not,  but  on  their  large  promises 
that  they  would  be  faithful  and  honest"  they  were 
allowed  to  stay. 


276  thp:  swedes  on  the  Delaware 

Rising,  being  anxious  to  learn  how  Stuyvesant 
would  regard  the  surrender  of  the  fort,  sent  a  mes- 
senger to  the  Dutch  governor  on  May  27  with  a 
letter,  informing  him  that  Fort  Casimir  had  been 
summoned  to  surrender  according  to  the  com- 
mands of  Her  Royal  Majestj',  and  that  the  Dutch 
colonists  had  "repaired  under  the  obedience  of  the 
government  of  Sweden."  "Since  this  is  a  matter 
of  greater  consequence, ' '  the  letter  goes  on,  ' '  than 
can  be  decided  among  servants  who  must  only  o])ey 
orders,  the  sovereigns  on  both  sides  have  to  settle 
this  matter  among  themselves,  and  agree  among 
themselves  about  it. ' ' 

The  instructions  and  memorials  given  to  Rising 
before  his  departure  from  ITpsala  in  December, 
1G53,  authorized  him,  in  case  Governor  Printz  had 
left  the  country  or  would  not  remain,  to  take 
charge  "of  the  political  and  judicial  affairs  of  the 
colony,"  leaving  the  military  management  in  other 
hands.  Rising,  as  well  as  other  officers,  were 
indisposed  the  first  few  days  after  their  arrival, 
due  to  the  hardships  and  inconveniences  of  the 
journey  and  the  change  of  climate,  yet  the  day 
following  bis  landing  he  called  the  officers,  soldiers 
and  freemen  to  Christina,  and  caused  the  orders 
and  instructions  to  be  read  in  their  presence. 
Thereupon  he  formally  assumed  the  leadership  of 
the  colony  with  the  title  of  Director  of  New 
Sweden,   and    a])})()iiit(Ml    S^•('ll    Skute   and   Jojian 


THE  COLONY  UNDER  RISING  AND  PAPEGOJA  277 

Papegoja  his  assistants.  The  new  royal  privi- 
leges concerning  the  settlement  were  also  pro- 
claimed. Private  colonists  were  granted  the  right 
to  trade  freely  with  neighbors  and  Indians,  they 
could  buy  land  direct  from  the  savages  or  from 
the  company,  and,  by  paying  an  export  duty  of  2 
per  cent.,  they  could  export  every  form  of  produce 
as  well  as  "gold  and  silver"  (other  minerals  being 
excluded)  to  Sweden  and  its  dependencies  duty 
free.  Land  bought  by  an  individual  freeman  from 
the  company  or  from  the  savages  would  become 
his  unqualified  perpetual  property,  and  he  * '  would 
enjoy  allodial  privileges  for  himself  and  his  de- 
scendants for  ever." 

"After  the  sermon"  on  June  4,  "the  freemen 
were  [again]  assembled,  and  it  was  presented  to 
them  how  Her  Royal  Majesty  intended  hereafter 
to  continue  the  colony  through  the  South  Company 
by  sending  good  and  early  succor."  A  general 
day  of  fasting  and  prayer  was  proclaimed  for  the 
ninth  ' '  over  the  whole  land. ' '  On  that  day  every- 
body "went  to  church  at  Tinicum  and  after  the  ser- 
vices the  freemen,  old  and  young,  were  called  to- 
gether." They  were  told  once  more  that  addi- 
tional aid  was  expected  from  Sweden,  and  that  the 
outlook  for  the  future  was  bright.  Since  there 
had  been  mutinies  and  much  trouble  during 
Printz's  time,  it  would  be  necessary  to  examine 
into    tlie    various    charges    and    counter-charges 


278  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE   DELAWARE 

wliicli  had  been  made,  and  it  was  hoped  that  all  the 
inhabitants  of  New  Sweden  from  now  on  would 
act  as  "true  subjects  of  Her  Royal  Majesty  and 
honest  colonists."  An  oath  of  allegiance  and 
promise  of  good  conduct  was  thereupon  read  to 
them  and  signed  by  forty-eight  persons,  eight  of 
whom  were  widows  of  freemen. 

By  the  arrival  of  the  Oni  the  population  of  New 
Sweden  was  increased  more  than  five  fold.  About 
twenty-five  colonists  and  soldiers  left  the  settle- 
ment with  Printz,  while  others  deserted,  so  that 
the  total  number  of  inhabitants  were  only  about 
seventy  when  Rising  arrived.  About  three  hun- 
dred and  fifty  embarked  on  the  Orn  at  Gothen- 
burg; but  nearly  one  hundred  died  on  the  journey, 
and  a  few  succumbed  in  the  colony  shortly  after 
their  landing,  making  the  total  population  about 
the  middle  of  July  only  '*  three  hundred  and  sixty- 
eight  souls  with  the  Hollanders  and  all."  But  so 
large  an  increase  without  additional  provisions 
and  merchandise  for  the  trade  made  the  situation 
critical.  To  relieve  the  condition  "the  council 
found  it  expedient  to  butcher  one  of  the  company 's 
young  bulls,  of  which  the  lands'  people  and  ship's 
people  received  one-half  part  each,  and  were  re- 
freshed by  it."  The  relief,  was  only  temporary, 
however.  The  illness  of  the  people  continued  for 
weeks.  To  aggravate  matters  disease  spread  to 
the  Indians,  who  "avoided  all  communication  with 


THE  COLONY  UNDER  RISING  AND  PAPEGOJA  279 

the  Swedes  for  a  time  and  consequently  brought 
them  few  supplies  of  meat  and  fish."  One  of  the 
first  duties  of  the  council  was  therefore  to  obtain 
''provisions  for  all  the  people,  since  they  were 
entirely  destitute,  and  would  either  die  of  star- 
vation or  desert.  Hence  it  was  resolved  that  Vice- 
Commissary  Jacob  Svensson  should  be  sent  for 
this  purpose  to  North  [New]  England,  as  he  had 
good  and  intimate  friends  there  ...  On  July  21, 
Jacob  Svensson  returned  with  the  sloop  from 
Hartford,  New  England,  bringing  grain  and  provi- 
sions purchased  from  Mr.  Richard  Lord." 

Rising  endeavored  to  regain  the  confidence  and 
good  will  of  the  Indians.  He  sent  merchandise 
down  to  the  Horn  Kill  for  trading  purposes  and 
distributed  presents  among  the  savages  for  the 
confirmation  of  the  land  purchase  in  that  part  of 
the  river.  He  also  called  the  Indians  living  above 
Fort  Christina  to  appear  for  a  conference. 

"On  Saturday,  June  17,"  says  Rising,  "twelve  sa- 
chems or  princes  of  the  Renapi,  that  is  the  natives  who 
dwell  on  the  western  bank  of  our  river,  came  together 
[in  Printz  Hall]  on  Tinnicnm,  and  when  they  had  all 
seated  themselves,"  an  oration  was  delivered  to  them 
on  behalf  of  the  Great  Queen  of  Sweden  through  Gre- 
gorius  Van  Dj^ck,  the  interpreter.  They  were  reminded 
of  the  former  friendship,  Avhieh  existed  between  them- 
selves and  the  Swedes,  and  they  were  assured  that  it 
would  be  for  their  mutual  benefit  to  renew  the  old 
compact.  ' '  If  any  bad  man, ' '  the  speech  went  on,  ' '  had 
given  them  suspicions  that  we  have  evil  in  mind  against 


2  8o  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 


them  (as  was  whispered  among  them),  they  should  not 
believe  such  a  one,  but  if  they  would  make  and  keep  a 
treaty  with  us,  we  would  keep  it  irrevocably.  Then  Ave 
reminded  them  of  the  land,  Avhieh  we  had  bought  from 
them,  that  they  should  keep  the  purchase  intact,  where- 
upon they  all  unanimously  answered  with  one  sound 
'Yes.'  Then  our  presents  were  brought  in  and  placed 
on  the  floor  before  them,  but  they  indicated  that  the 
presents  should  be  portioned  out  to  each  one,  which  we 
also  did.  And  each  sachem  was  given  one  yard  of 
frieze,  one  kettle,  one  axe,  one  hoe.  one  knife,  one  pound 
of  powder,  one  stick  of  lead  and  sJ-  awl  points.  To  the 
other  followers,  who  were  sixtt-en  or  twenty  in  number, 
some  of  each  kind  was  given.  When  they  had  thus  re- 
ceived it,  some  of  them  went  out  to  take  counsel  what 
they  should  answer.  [Wb^i  these  returned]  their  field- 
marshal  called  Ilackeman  spoke  in  their  behalf,  saying 
to  them.  '  See  how  good  friends  these  are,  v/ho  have 
given  us  such  gifts,  reproaching  them  that  they  had 
spoken  ill  about  us.  and  at  times  done  us  harm.  Now, 
hoAvever,  they  promised  that  hereafter  they  would  all  be 
our  good  friends  and  stroked  himsolf  a  few  times  down 
the  arm  as  a  sign  of  great  friendship.'  "  Then  he  ex- 
pressed his  thanks  for  the  gifts  on  behalf  of  them  all, 
"and  said  that,  if  they  had  hitherto  in  the  time  of 
Governor  Printz  been  as  one  body  and  one  heart,  striking 
his  breast  [as  he  said  it,l  they  would  hereafter  be  as  one 
head  with  us,  grasping  his  head  fand]  twisting  round 
Avith  his  hands,  as  if  he  Avished  to  tie  a  secure  knot. 
Thereupon  he  made  a  ridicul<nis  comparison  saying  that 
as  a  cnlahosh  is  a  round  groAvth  Avithout  crack  or  brc^ak. 
thus  we  should  hereafter  be  as  one  head  without  a  crack." 
Then  the  Indians  Avere  asked  "if  they  all  meant  it 
thus,  AA'hereupon  they  all  made  a  cry  of  assent.  There- 
after the  S\A'edish  salute  was  tired  from  a  couple  of  can- 
non which  pleased  them  much.  Then  they  fired  witli 
tlieir  guns  and  promised  that  they  Avould  do  us  no  harm, 
nor  kill  our  people  nor  cattle.  [They  also]  offered  us 
jx-rmission  to  l)uild  a  fort  and  house  at  Passayunk, 
\\|iich  is  their  pi-incipal  place  of  abocle,  Avhere  the  great- 


THE  COLONY  UNDER  RISING  AND  PAPEGO.TA  281 


est  number  of  them  live,  and  they  promised  that  they 
would  keep  all  our  land  purchases  [intact]  .  . .  The 
land  deeds  were  thereupon  brought  forth  (although  only 
some  of  them  were  at  hand,  the  rest  [being]  at  Stock- 
holm), but  only  the  names  signed  to  them  were  read. 
When  the  savages  heard  their  immes,  they  were  much 
pleased ;  but  when  anyone  was  mentioned  who  was  dead, 
they  bent  down  their  heads. " '  A  defensive  league  was 
thereupon  nuide,  the  Indians  promising  that  they  would 
regard  the  enemies  of  the  Swedes  as  their  own  enemies, 
and  that  they  would  report  any  danger  to  the  settlement, 
which  they  might  by  chance  hear  of.  But,  although  they 
were  well  satisfied  with  the  Swedes,  "yet  they  remarked 
that  they  had  received  sickness  from  the  ship,  through 
which  they  feared  that  all  their  people  would  perish." 
Fire  had  been  seen  around  the  ship  at  night,  and  the 
savages  believed  that  an  evil  spirit  had  come  in  the 
vessel.  "A  chief  sitting  on  a  table  asked  for  a  boat  for 
two  medicine  men,  who  should  go  down  to  take  the 
spirit  away,"  but  no  boat  seems  to  have  been  available. 
"We  gave  them,  however,  the  best  comfort  we  could," 
says  Rising,  "that  the  Lord  God  [would  help  them],  and, 
if  they  put  their  trust  in  him,  the  plague  would  not 
harm  them." 


To  further  satisfy  tlie  Indians  ''two  large  kettles 
and  other  vessels"  full  of  sappan  or  porridge  of 
Indian  maize  were  placed  before  them  upon  the 
floor,  and  some  strong  drinks,  "which  they  love 
exceedingly,"  were  given  them.  During  the  con- 
ference they  w^ere  much  offended  because  Van 
Dyck  contradicted  them,  but  he  appeased  them  by 
praising  their  qualities,  and  they  left  Printz  Hall 
vrell  satisfied  and  in  the  best  of  humor. 

On  the  morrow,  which  was  Sunday,  a  sachem  of 


282  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

llio  Min([nas,  called  Agaliqiianes,  "a  brother  of 
the  former  general,"  came  to  Christina,  Presents 
were  given  to  him  and  he  promised  to  keep  good 
peace  with  the  Swedes,  for  they  treated  the  Indians 
well,  unlike  the  English  of  Virginia,  ''who  used  to 
shoot  them  to  death,  wherever  they  found  them." 

When  conditions  had  somewhat  changed  for  the 
better  Rising  could  turn  his  attention  to  expansion 
and  necessary  betterments.  He  had  been  in- 
structed to  observe  ' '  that  the  land  should  be  prop- 
erly portioned  out  to  the  colonists,  so  that  each 
one  would  receive  as  much  ground  as  could  be 
given  to  him."  After  an  insj)ection  of  the  coun- 
try Rising  decided  that  certain  old  farms  should 
be  improved  and  a  number  of  new  tracts  be  re- 
claimed from  the  forest.  He  also  caused  a  map  to 
be  made  of  the  river,  "as  good  as  was  possible  in 
a  hurry,  from  the  bay  up  to  the  falls." 

On  June  10,  Rising  writes  in  his  journal :  "This 
and  the  following  [days]  we  settled  the  people 
who  were  well  [enough]  to  cultivate  the  land." 
These  colonists  were  supported  by  the  company, 
until  they  could  make  a  start,  and  were  given  cows 
on  rental  for  half  of  the  offspring  and  eighteen 
])Ounds  of  butter  yearly.  Several  donations  of 
land  had  been  made  to  officers  in  New  Sweden,  but 
as  some  of  these  tracts  had  been  cultivated  for 
years,  the  fi-eemen  wlio  owned  them  were  greatly 
displeased.     Several  of  the  old  settlers  desired  to 


THE  COLONY   UNDER   RISING   AND   PAPEGO.TA        283 

sell  their  homesteads  in  order  to  oeeii]w  "new 
lands,  encouraged  thereto  by  the  privileges  given 
by  Her  Royal  Majesty  ....  [to  private  settlers] ; 
but  none  of  the  new-comers  had  means  to  redeem 
them."  A  few  cultivated  farms  were  purchased 
for  the  company,  and  in  the  summer  and  autumn 
tenure  of  land  was  given  to  freemen  at  Upland, 
Printztorp  and  on  the  Schuylkill.  Servants  were 
also  assigned  to  the  estate  of  Printz  at  Tinicum 
Island  'Ho  guard  the  hall  against  the  savages  . .  ., 
and  to  do  all  that  was  necessary  for  the  fields  and 
meadows,  besides  whatever  else  might  be  re- 
quired. ' ' 

The  majority  of  the  new  settlers  were  assigned 
places  between  Christina  and  Fort  Trinity  along 
the  shores  of  the  Delaware.  A  few  were  located 
upwards  along  the  banks  of  Christina  River  "in 
order  to  protect  the  colony  against  Virginia,"  and 
to  lay  the  foundations  for  a  "commercial  road" 
from  the  Swedish  settlement  to  the  Elk  River 
and  the  Chesapeake. 

Several  new  appointments  were  made  in  the 
summer.  The  gunner  Johan  Stalkofta  was  com-" 
missioned  to  "prepare  material  and  planks  for  the 
buildings,  that  were  to  be  erected  from  time  to 
time";  the  corporal  Anders  Olofsson  to  superin- 
tend the  agriculture  of  the  colony,  and  the  ensign 
Peter  Hanseon  Wendel  to  manage  the  plantation 
and  the  clearing  of  the  land.     No  special  wages 


284  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE   DELAWARE 

accompanied  these  offices.  "There  was  some  dis- 
like against  the  arrangement  among  the  people," 
says  Eising,  "but  for  what  reason  could  not  be 
ascertained." 

Mindful  of  the  other  paragraphs  of  his  instruc- 
tions Director  Rising  selected  "suitable  places 
where  villages  ....  as  well  as  towns  and  trading 
places  could  be  established."  Lindestrom  was 
ordered  "to  divide  the  fields  [north  of  and  next 
unto  Christina]  into  lots."  The  town  proper  was 
laid  out  into  a  rectangular  i3lot  (broken  by  the 
encroachment  of  the  low  lands)  with  square 
blocks  and  with  streets  running  parallel  and  at 
right  angles  to  each  other — antidating  William 
Penn's  Philadelphia  plan  about  thirty  years.  A 
map  of  the  fort  and  the  town  plan  were  finished  by 
Engineer  Lindestrom  on  July  8,  and  sent  to 
Sweden  with  the  Orn. 

Towards  the  middle  of  July  the  preparations 
for  the  return  voyage  of  the  Orn  were  completed. 
Some  tobacco  had  been  bought  from  Virginia  mer- 
chants, but  a  sufficient  cargo  could  not  be  secured. 
"On  July  15  the  dispatches  were  finished,  and,  as 
Papegoja  had  in  mind  to  go  home  with  the  ship," 
a  recommendation  to  the  government  was  pre- 
]>ared  for  him  by  the  director.  The  settlers  as- 
sembled on  the  shore  at  Fort  Christina  during  the 
day  to  wish  a  happy  voyage  and  bid  farewell  to 
tlie  ship  and  its  passengers,  and  in  the  afternoon 


THE  COLONY  UNDER  RISING  AND  PAPECO.TA  285 

the  Orn  (Eagle)  spread  her  wings,  and  glided 
down  Christina  river  amid  the  cheers  of  the  people 
on  the  bank.  Rising  went  over  land  to  Fort 
Trinity,  where  he  boarded  the  ship,  and  remained 
over  night.  On  the  sixteenth  he  went  ashore 
together  with  Madam  Papegoja,  (who  had  ac- 
companied the  vessel  as  far  as  Fort  Trinity  to  see 
her  husband  off),  and  the  Orn  made  her  final  start 
for  the  return  journey. 

In  his  report  sent  on  the  ship  Rising  gave  a  brief 
review  of  the  conditions  in  the  colony  as  he  found 
them,  and  proposed  several  reforms,  complaining 
that  he  was  in  want  of  potters,  brickmakers,  lime- 
burners,  cabinet-makers,  tanners,  shoemakers,  and 
turners,  but  above  all  of  provisions  and  supplies 
and  colonists.  He  thought  it  a  pity  that  a  country 
with  so  many  advantages,  where  expenses  would 
be  rewarded  a  thousand  fold,  should  be  neglected, 
when  "one  often  spent  both  property  and  blood 
on  land,  which  could  not  by  far  be  compared  with 
this.  Wliy  should  one  not  risk  the  expense  of 
money  and  property,  ivithout  the  shedding  of 
blood"  on  a  settlement  that  'Mn  the  future  in  case 
of  need,  would  be  able  to  do  good  service  to  the 
fatherland,  and  become  a  jewel  in  the  Royal 
Crown,  if  aid  should  now  be  sent  at  an  early  date. " 
As  yet  he  had  made  no  progress  in  the  establish- 
ment of  manufactories  and  the  founding  of  towns, 
on  account  of  the  bad  health  of  the  people  and  the 


2^6  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

small  resources ;  but  he  promised  to  do  liis  best  as 
soon  as  opportunity  occurred,  since  there  were 
many  localities  where  towns  could  be  built  and 
several  waterfalls,  where  mills  could  be  erected. 
He  was  particularly  planning  to  construct  a  dam 
at  the  great  fall  of  Christina  river,  "when  every- 
thing had  been  harvested  and  sown"  in  the 
autumn. 

As  a  result  of  the  troubles  of  the  previous 
autumn,  dissatisfaction  was  rife  among  the  colon- 
ists. A  court  was  convened  at  Tinicum  in  the 
summer  to  examine  the  charges  against  the  Eev. 
Lars  Lock  and  Olof  Stille;  but  no  definite  evidence 
could  be  established  in  Locke's  case,  and  Stille 
produced  bondsmen,  who  were  accepted  by  the 
court.  ' '  The  great  majority  complained  about  the 
severity  of  Governor  Printz,"  and  the  director, 
who  handled  the  case  as  delicately  as  possible, 
being  unwilling  to  offend  them,  requested  the  dis- 
satisfied ones  "to  draw  up  their  complaints  them- 
selves, which  they  later  did." 

Rising  also  attempted  to  bring  back  the  deserted 
colonists  from  Virginia  and  Maryland;  and,  when 
two  Swedish  officials  were  sent  to  Severn  in  May, 
!1654,  on  a  commercial  mission,  he  instructed  them 
to  demand  "the  return  of  the  proselytes."  An 
open  and  general  passport  was  issued,  assuring 
them  an  unmolested  journey  to  New  Sweden,  "if 
they  came  and  explained  their  affairs,  howsoever 
they  were. ' '     But  none  returned. 


THE   COLONY    UNDER   RISING   AND   PAPEGOJA         287 

The  English  continued  to  lay  claim  to  the  Dela- 
ware. In  June,  1654,  commissioners  from  Mary- 
land visited  Christina  to  confer  about  the  bound- 
ary between  the  colonies.  Commander  Lloyd  on 
behalf  of  the  commission  presented  the  English 
rights  to  the  entire  river,  basing  them  on  original 
discovery  and  King  James'  grant  to  Lord  Balti- 
more; but  Lloyd  was  no  match  for  the  Swedish 
director  "in  the  noble  school  of  argument."  Ris- 
ing was  in  his  own  element,  in  his  special  field,  and 
prepared  with  delight  a  learned  refutation,  to 
which  ' '  Mr.  Lloyd  answered  not  a  word, ' ' 

Rising  endeavored  to  promote  friendl}^  corres- 
pondence with  the  New  England  settlements,  and 
wrote  "letters  to  the  governor  and  magistrate  in 
that  district  as  well  as  to  the  former  Governor- 
General  Endicott."  At  the  general  court  of  New 
Haven  in  July  it  was  ordered  that  Governor  Eaton 
should  write  a  letter  "to  the  Swedes  at  Delaware 
Bay,  informing  them  of  the  property,  which  some 
in  this  colony  have  to  large  tracts  of  land  on  both 
sides  of  Delaware  Bay  and  river,  and  desiring  a 
neighborly  correspondence  with  them,  both  in 
trading  and  planting  there  and  an  answer  hereof." 
Upon  the  arrival  of  the  letter  at  Christina,  July 
22,  Rising  took  immediate  steps  to  refute  the  New 
Haven  claims.  The  council  was  convened  and 
"the  oldest  [settlers]  in  the  country  were  called 
together ' '  for  the  purpose  of  drafting  an  adequate 
reply  to  Governor  Eaton's  missive.     Copies  of  the 


2SS  THE  SWEDES   ON   THE  DELAWARE 

Indian  donation  of  land  were  made,  and  * '  an  attes- 
tation, signed  by  the  oldest  [colonists  was  drawn 
np,  stating]  that  the  English  held  no  tract  of  land 
in  the  river  by  proper  purchase."  These  docn- 
ments  were  sent  to  the  English  governor,  who  pre- 
sented them  at  the  meeting  of  the  commissioners 
of  the  nnited  colonies  at  Hartford  in  September. 
The  commissioners  promptly  formulated  a  de- 
tailed answer  to  Rising's  statements,  "which  ap- 
peared a  little  strange  to  them."  They  affirmed 
that  the  New  Haven  people  had  a  just  claim  to  cer- 
tain lands  on  the  Delaware,  and  they  hoped  that 
' '  the  friendship  and  good  accord  in  Europe  betwix 
England  and  Sweden  would  have  a  powerful  in- 
fluence on  Ei sing's  spirits  and  carriages  in  these 
parts  of  America." 

Meanwhile  the  New  Haven  proprietors  con- 
tinued their  activity,  holding  several  meetings 
about  their  claims,  and  sent  agents  and  commis- 
sioners to  inspect  the  country  and  to  treat  with  the 
Swedes  directly,  but  their  efforts  were  in  vain,  and 
ten  years  were  to  pass  before  the  English  could 
obtain  a  foothold  on  the  South  River. 

The  defence  of  the  country  was  naturally  one 
of  the  first  concerns  of  Rising.  Since  Fort  Trinity 
was  the  key  to  the  river,  its  old  ramparts  were 
greatly  strengthened,  and  new  walls  were  erected. 
Four  fourteen  pound  metal  cannon,  which  had 
been  taken  from  the  Orn,  were  placed  behind  an 


"Swedish  log  cabin"  situated  "on  the  west  bank  of  Darby  creek  about  a  quarter  of 
a  mile  above  Clifton."  The  above  (built  in  the  18th  century)  shows  many  character- 
istics to  be  found  in  the  log  cabins  erected  by  the  Swedes  and  Finns  in  their  native 
country;  the  extension  of  the  second  story,  "the  porch-roof,"  etc. 


THE  COLONY  UNDER  RISING  AND  PAPEGOJA  2S9 

entrencliment  constructed  before  tlie  palisade  on 
the  river  side,  and  balls,  lead,  powder  and  other 
ammunition  to  the  value  of  92  I),  were  stored  in  the 
magazine  of  the  fort.  Captain  Sven  Skute  as- 
sisted by  former  Commander  Bicker,  worked  all 
summer  on  the  fortifications  with  twenty  men. 
''Fort  Christina,  being  in  a  state  of  entire  de- 
lapidation,"  was  also  repaired  by  the  freemen  and 
soldiers. 

As  Rising  was  to  occupy  Papegoja's  dwelling, 
which  had  been  bought  for  the  company,  Madam 
Papegoja  ''went  up  to  Tinicum  with  her  children 
and  household  in  a  little  sloop,"  and  settled  on  her 
father 's  estate.  The  ale  house  at  Tinicum,  ' '  daily 
robbed  of  doors  and  clapboards  by  the  savages, 
was  brought  to  Christina  on  the  keel  boat,  where  it 
was  erected  outside  of  the  fort  . . .  for  an  inn. ' '  A 
cellar  was  dug  in  Christina,  and  masoned  with 
stone,  and  a  warehouse  purchased  from  Papegoja 
was  placed  above  it. 

On  September  5,  Rising  entered  in  his  journal: 

"Five  freemen  from  Kingsessing  and  some  others  .  . . 
repaired  the  [principal]  dwelling  in  Fort  Christina  (the 
sill  and  five  logs  being  decayed  in  the  corner  .  .  . ) ,  and 
covered  the  whole  bnilding  below  with  planks,  in  order 
that  the  house  would  not  rot  from  Avater.  Later  they 
built  the  provision-house  five  rounds  [of  logs]  higher, 
covered  it  with  boards  and  protected  it  below  with 
planks ;  and  dug  around  the  storehouse,  which  was  like- 
wise cased  with  planks  on  account  of  the  water.  Lastly 
they  removed  the  roof  of  the  bathhouse  ....  raised  th« 


290.  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

walls  four  rounds  [of  logs]  higher,  [so  as  to  make  it 
useful]  for  a  smokehouse  of  meat  and  fish,  and  made  a 
porch  before  it  of  planks." 

The  other  dwellings  in  the  fort  were  likewise  re- 
paired, and  four  clapboard  rooms  were  made  to 
provide  more  space  for  the  i)eople. 

In  the  autumn  the  lots  near  Fort  Christina  were 
more  accurately  measured  ot¥,  and  plans  were  pro- 
jected for  the  building  of  a  village,  "since 
there  was  little  room  in  the  fortress."  This  was 
to  be  the  staple  town  of  the  colony,  and  skilled 
workmen,  such  as  shoemakers,  blacksmiths,  carpen- 
ters and  the  like  were  to  reside  there.*  Factories 
of  various  kinds  were  to  be  founded  and  the 
harbor  was  to  be  improved  and  enlarged,  so  that  it 
could  meet  the  new  conditions,  and  maintain  itself 
for  all  times,  as  the  principal  commercial  port  of 
the  country.  Several  men  were  appointed  to  "cut 
timber  on  the  eastern  bank"  of  the  Delaware 
(almost  opposite  Tinicum  Island)  under  the  direc- 
tion of  Johan  Stalkofta,  "and  later  they  brought 
a  little  timber  raft  to  Fort  Christina."  Soon 
"some  of  the  settlers  commenced  to  build  manors 
and  houses  on  their  lots."  A  plot  was  also  pre- 
pared for  an  orchard,  a  sort  of  a  park,  "planted 
with  fruit  trees  and  sun^ounded  with  palisades." 

(*)     See  above,  p.  33ff. 


THE  COLONY   UNDER   RISING    AND   PAPEGOJA  291 

The  city  thus  begun  was  called  Christiuehamii,  the 
forerunner  of  present  Wilmington. 

A  great  many  Indian  chiefs  visited  the  Swedish 
fortress  during  the  summer,  and  several  confer- 
ences were  held  with  them.  Some  of  the  old  land 
purchases  were  renewed,  and  a  number  of  Indians 
from  the  eastern  bank  promised  to  supply  the 
Swedes  with  great  quantities  of  hops.  A  certain 
sachem  "by  the  name  of  Mister,  who  pledged  him- 
self to  gather  all  the  hops  that  grew  along  the 
river,"  and  deliver  them  to  Rising,  was  given  some 
gifts  and  a  bag  in  which  to  carry  the  hops ;  but  he 
never  returned  the  sack  nor  did  he  bring  am^  hops 
to  the  fort. 

The  usual  commercial  relations  were  established 
with  the  savages  in  the  fall.  The  sloops  were  sent 
up  and  down  the  river  to  fetch  hops  and  to  pur- 
chase provisions,  and  over  a  thousand  bushels  of 
Indian  corn  and  several  Inishels  of  beans  were 
bought.  Twenty  bushels  of  maize  and  a  few  deer 
skins  were  presented  to  Rising  as  a  gift  from  the 
sachems.  Jacob  Svensson,  although  he  had  been 
ill  several  times  during  the  summer,  was  very  suc- 
cessful in  his  transactions  with  the  Indians  and  in 
December  we  find  him  buying  deer  meat  from  the 
savages  ' '  for  frieze,  powder  and  lead. ' ' 

The  needs  of  the  country  and  the  failure  of  new 
supplies  to  arrive  made  the  purchasing  of  pro- 
visions from  the  neighbors  imperative.     On  Sep- 


292  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

tember  24  Richard  Lord  from  Hartford  arrived 
at  Christina  ''with  a  cargo  of  provisions  and  other 
goods."  He  also  delivered  letters  from  Elswick, 
which  told  the  sad  story  that  the  Haj,  the  one  hojio 
of  the  colony  in  its  want  and  distress,  had  been 
captured.  ''It  was  a  special  injniy  to  us,"  says 
Kising  in  his  journal,  "and  a  blow  not  easily  re- 
paired." As  Lord  undertook  to  transmit  letters 
to  Sweden  via  England,  the  director  made  his 
second  report  "to  the  commercial  college,  in 
which  he  related  their  weak  condition  and  the 
pressing  necessity  of  relief." 

We  have  seen  that  the  settlers  were  well  sup- 
plied with  cattk%  when  Printz  departed  from  the 
colony,  but  with  the  arrival  of  the  new  expedition 
the  domestic  animals  became  too  few  in  proportion 
to  the  number  of  freemen.  When  the  English 
from  Virginia  visited  Christina  in  the  summer  a 
contract  for  the  delivery  of  a  number  of  cows  was 
made  with  them.  Theodore  Eingold  from  Mary- 
land desired  to  buy  five  or  six  mares,  but  so  large 
a  number  could  not  be  spared.  The  Swedish  coun- 
cil agreed,  however,  to  exchange  two  mares  with 
him  for  four  cows  that  were  with  calf.  In  like 
manner  Marsh,  "the  richest  man  in  his  colony," 
])romised  to  send  over  ten  cows,  when  Ringold  de- 
livered his.  Through  these  purchases  the  value 
of  a  cow  in  New  Sweden  fell  about  50  per  cent. 

On  the  last  day  of  September  a  messenger  from 


THE  COLONY  UNDER  RISING  AND  PAPEGO.TA  293 

Elswick  appeared  with  the  cominissioiis,  which  a))- 
poiiited  Eisiiig-  director  of  the  colony  and  Sveu 
Skute  commander  of  the  forts.  Three  days  later 
these  papers  were  read  to  the  people,  who  were 
a-ssembled  at  a  court  in  Fort  Christina.  It  seems 
that  Rising  and  his  council  now  took  a  bright  view 
of  the  situation,  as  the}"  soon  provided  for  the 
re-organization  of  the  internal  government  of  the 
settlement  and  the  adoption  of  a  constitution  or 
rule  of  conduct.  ' '  On  October  27  the  best  men  of 
the  colony  were  called  together  at  Fort  Christina, 
and  an  ordinance  was  drafted."  The  ordinance 
was  proclaimed  among  the  Swedes  and  Dutch, 
' '  but  it  could  not  be  enforced  and  followed,  before 
aid  would  arrive  from  the  fatherland." 

About  the  end  of  November  a  boat  with  pro- 
visions and  people  was  sent  up  to  [Trenton]  falls 
to  meet  Hendrick  von  Elswick,  who  was  expected 
overland  from  New  Amsterdam.  On  November 
30  he  arrived  at  Christina  in  company  with  Sven 
Hook,  a  servant,  a  secretary  and  a  soldier.  The 
account  books,  bills  and  the  like  were  now  turned 
over  to  Elswick,  who  was  given  charge  of  the 
store-house  in  the  fort. 

In  the  autumn  the  council  issued  an  order  "that 
every-  freeman  [at  the  Sandhook]  should  enclose 
his  plantation,  and  watch  his  cattle  that  they  did 
no  damage  to  others,  on  penalty  of  punishment." 
Orders  for  the  clearing  of  certain  lands  were  like- 


2  94  THE  SWEDES  ON  THE  DELAWARE 

wise  given  to  the  freemen.  **Tlie  field  at  Fort 
Cliristina  was  ploughed,  and  manure  was  brought 
upon  it  ...  The  land  across  Christina  River 
[opposite  the  fort,  called  the  low-land],  was 
cleared  and  sown  with  wheat"  by  some  freemen, 
who  were  to  have  one-third  of  the  crop  for  thei^- 
labor.  Horses  and  oxen  were  taken  to  the  Saud- 
hook  for  the  ploughing  and  cultivation  of  certain 
farms,  which  had  been  forfeited  to  the  compa\  y 
by  Dutch  colonists.  In  O.ctober,  November  and 
December  "the  new  freemen  were  ordered  to  clear 
their  lands  at  various  places,  for  the  purpose  of 
planting  maize  in  the  coming  spring;  and  several 
fields  at  Sandhook,  at  Fort  Cliristina  and  up  at 
the  [Christina]  Eiver  were  cleared  and  sown  for 
the  benefit  of  the  company  with  the  grain  which 
Mr.  Lord  had  brought  in  . .  .  A  pair  of  young- 
oxen  belonging  to  the  company  was  assigned  to 
Mans  Mansson,  the  Finn,  who  had  rented  a  farm 
at  Upland  . .  .  Some  old  freemen  were  also  or- 
dered to  help  with  their  oxen,  so  that  sufficient 
land  was  cleared  for  the  sowing  of  about  sixty  to 
seventy  bushels  (about  seventy  to  eighty  acres), 
part  of  it  being  sown  with  wheat,  the  other  part  to 
be  planted  with  maize  in  the  spring.  Various  kinds 
of  fruit  trees  were  also  planted  in  the  autumn  both 
by  Rising  and  the  freemen. 

Director  Rising  had  received  a  grant  of  land  in 
the  colony  large   enough  for   the   settlement   of 


THE  COLONY   UNDER   RISING   AND  PAPEGOJA        295 

twenty  to  thirty  peasants;  but  it  was  located  at 
Fort  Trinity,  ''somewhat  remote  from  Christina, 
so  that  he  conld  not  superintend  it  daily,"  and  he 
therefore  requested  a  grant  on  Timber  Island 
instead  of  it.  He  did  not  wait  for  an  answer  from 
Sweden,  but  proceeded  to  clear  it  07 ff  at  his  own 
expense  with  the  assistance  of  the  officers  and  ser- 
vants. Then  he  ''caused  a  house  with  two  stories 
to  be  built  thereon  and  a  dwelling  as  well  as  a 
cellar  below  it." 

The  mill-dam  and  mill  were  repaired,  and 
towards  the  end  of  October  Rising  went  up  to 
Naaman's  Kill  "in  company  with  several  good 
men,"  where  he  found  "a  serviceable  little  water- 
fall for  a  sawmill."  Such  a  mill,  able  to  supply 
the  needs  of  the  country  and  produce  lumber  for 
export,  had  been  planned  by  Printz.  Now  it  could 
be  erected,  as  saw-blades  had  been  imported  on  the 
Orn;  but  the  director  decided  to  wait  until  the  fol- 
lowing spring. 

A  great  calamity  threatened  the  colony  in  the 
fall.  A  fire  broke  out  in  Christina  one  night, 
endangering  the  entire  fort;  but  it  was  fortunately 
extinguished  without  loss  of  property  or  life.  A 
little  later  a  storm  of  tremendous  velocity  accom- 
panied by  "an  exceptionally  high  flood"  damaged 
Fort  Trinity,  "washing  away  the  wall  up  to  the 
palisades." 

As    winter    approached    the    dwellings    were 


296  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE   DELAWARE 

thoroughly  repaired,  and  the  old  barns  were  im- 
])roved,  while  new  ones  were  built,  for  indications 
pointed  to  a  cold  season.  Large  stores  of  Indian 
corn  and  game  were  purchased  from  the  aborigi- 
nes, and  other  provisions  made  for  the  winter.  The 
new-comers  were  now  somewhat  acclimatized. 
They  had  erected  their  log  cabins,  which  gaA^e 
them  sufficient  shelter,  and  they  had  learnt  many 
new  customs  and  usages  from  the  old  settlers. 

Regular  religious  services  were  continued  in  the 
church  at  Tinicum.  Holidays  and  daily  prayers 
were  observed  as  before,  and  special  days  of  fast- 
ing and  prayer  were  proclaimed.  Eising  sug- 
gested plans  for  building  schools  and  churches  and 
for  meeting  the  expenses  ''of  the  congregations." 
He  recommended  that  tithes  of  grain  and  cattle  be 
paid,  ''willingl}^  by  the  i)eople  ...,  the  half 
part  of  it  to  be  used  for  the  salaries  of  the  prea- 
chers and  the  other  half  part  for  the  erection  and 
support  of  a  school  building  and  a  church."  Rev. 
Lars  Lock  was  alone  in  the  colony  from  1649  until 
1654.  But  ow  new  preachers,  Matthias  Nertunius 
and  Peter  Hjort  arrived  with  the  Orn.  Rev. 
Nertunius,  who  was  assigned  to  Upland,  where  he 
lived  on  a  tract  of  cleared  land  belonging  to  the 
company,  conducted  services  at  Tinicum.  He 
''was  indeed  the  best"  preacher  in  the  colony  at 
this  period,  and  Rising  proposed  to  the  govern- 
ment that  the  land  "at  Upland  on  which  he  lived 


THE  COLONY  UNDER  RISING  AND  PAPEGO.TA  297 

[large  enoiigli  for  the  sowing]  of  twenty  or  thirty 
bushels  of  seed,  should  be  given  [to  him]  for  a 
parsonage  with  the  few  houses  there  ...,  in 
which  case  he  would  need  no  other  salary  from  the 
company."  Peter  L.  Hjort  was  stationed  at  Fort 
Trinity,  where  he  preached,  until  the  capture  of 
the  stronghold  by  the  Dutch;  but,  as  he  was  "a 
preacher  worldly  and  spiritually  poor,"  his  labors 
were  probably  of  small  result.  It  seems  that  Rev. 
Lock  was  transferred  to  Christina  in  the  summer 
of  1654.  Since  he  had  been  accused  of  mutiny. 
Rising  decided  to  send  him  to  Sweden  on  the  Orn 
"to  defend  and  free  himself";  but  he  became 
severely  ill,  w4ien  the  ship  was  about  to  sail,  and 
the  charges  against  him  seem  to  have  been 
dropped. 

"The  poor  are  always  with  us,"  and  they  were 
not  absent  from  New  Sweden.  During  the  gov- 
ernorship of  Printz  "Karin  the  Finnish  woman" 
w^as  compelled  to  beg  for  the  support  of  herself 
and  her  children  and  perhaps  others  were  reduced 
to  similar  circumstances.  Rising  established  a 
charity  fund  and  appointed  "the  preacher"  (prob- 
ably Nertunius)  to  distribute  food  and  clothing  ac- 
eording  to  the  needs  of  the  poor.  The  colonists 
were  invited  to  contribute  to  the  fund,  and  one  of 
the  blacksmiths  gave  19:15  florins  to  the  "poor 
account."  "The  children  of  Paul  Malich,  the 
little  Pole,  the  blind  Kirstin  with  her  two  child- 


298  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

ren,"  Anders  ...,  Per  Paulsson's  mother  and 
the  daughter  of  Klas  Johansson  are  especially 
numerated  among  those  receiving  aid,  and  food, 
clothes,  shoes  and  other  articles  were  given  to 
them.  The  accounts  were  kept  by  Elswick  in  a 
special  book,  not  known  to  exist,  but  they  were  also 
entered  in  the  general  Scliuldt  unci  Cargason  Bucli. 

Slaveiy  was  not  employed  to  any  extent  by  the 
settlers.  The  slave  brought  to  Christina  in  1639 
lived  for  many  years,  but  beyond  this  single  case, 
there  is  no  definite  record  of  slaves  in  New 
Sweden.  Lars  Svartz  (Lars  the  Black)  might 
have  been  a  negro  slave,  but  it  is  more  likely  that 
Svartz  simply  referred  to  his  complexion  as 
Sudhvit  (Snow-ichite)  in  the  case  of  Joran  Kyn. 

The  Avinter  of  1654-55  became  so  severe  that  the 
river  froze  over,  and  when  the  ice  broke  in  eTanu- 
aiy  Christina  Kill  rose  far  above  its  usual  level. 
The  heavy  flood  carried  the  ice  down  towards  the 
fort, ' '  a  large  part  of  which  would  have  been  swept 
away  had  not  the  new  palisades  prevented  it, ' '  and 
the  sloop  lying  on  the  bank  was  carried  far  up  on 
the  land.  In  Fel)ruary  warm  and  pleasant  wea- 
ther returned,  causing  the  ice  to  disappear.  Dur- 
ing the  winter  the  colony  was  disturbed  by  the 
savages.  A  certain  tribe  became  restless,  ''killed 
a  woman  not  far  from  Fort  Christina  . .  .,  and 
stole  what  they  could  get  hold  of.       Later  they 


THE  COLONY   UNDER  RISING  AND  PAPEGOJA        299 

promised  to  make  it  good,  but  gave  no  more  than 
ten  yards  of  servant  as  an  indemnity." 

Director  Rising  exhibited  an  nnnsiial  activity, 
and  almost  the  entire  male  population  of  New 
Sweden  was  engaged  in  clearing  the  forests  in 
January,  February  and  March.  The  settlers  oc- 
casionally made  use  of  a  peculiar  means  of  re- 
moving the  forest,  the  so-called  svedjehruket 
(agTiculture  by  burning^.  The  method  was  very 
old  both  in  Sweden  and  Finland,  being  referred  to 
in  the  Kalevala  as  well  as  by  old  Scandinavian 
writers.  It  has  been  employed  by  the  American 
Indians  and  other  primitive  peoples.  The  old 
Romans  made  use  of  it,  and  the  Swedes,  Finns, 
Swiss,  Germans  and  other  Europeans  have  pre- 
served the  method  down  to  our  present  day. 

The  svedging  or  burning  served  two  purposes, 
it  cleared  away  the  forest  and  produced  a  splendid 
fertilizer.  When  a  tract  of  wooded  land  was  to  be 
made  into  field  by  this  means,  the  trees  were  felled 
in  a  certain  order  and  allowed  to  dry  for  about  a 
year,  when  the  branches  were  removed  from  the 
trunks,  and  all  useful  timber  was  cut  into  logs. 
The  following  summer  the  branches  and  trees  were 
burnt;  "among  the  Finns,"  after  certain  incan- 
tations had  been  read.  Men  and  women  dressed 
in  their  poorest  clothes  superintended  the  burning, 
and  saw  to  it  that  every  part  of  the  surface  was 
singed.     In  the  autumn  or  some  weeks  after  the 


300  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

burning,  rye  was  sown  in  the  ashes  among  the 
Ktumps  and  the  large  tree  trunks,  that  had  not 
been  removed  or  that  would  not  burn.  When  the 
crop  had  been  harvested  all  the  trunks  and  logs 
were  rolled  or  carried  into  piles  to  be  burnt.  The 
ground  was  then  prepared  more  carefully,  and 
grain  (oats,  rj^e  or  wheat)  was  again  sown.  Soil 
that  had  thus  been  enriched  with  ashes  through 
burning,  could  bear  good  crops  for  five  or  six 
years  without  manuring  or  new  burning.  Hence 
logs,  branches  and  the  like  were  sometimes  carried 
from  the  woods,  and  spread  over  the  old  fields. 
When  these  had  been  burnt,  grain  was  sown  as 
before. 

In  Sweden  and  Finland  this  method  became  so 
common  during  the  seventeenth  century,  that  ordi- 
nances were  passed  against  it  by  the  government, 
and  many  Finns  were  sent  to  New  Sweden  for  vio- 
lating the  laws  forbidding  the  practice.  The 
Finns,  and  in  some  cases  the  Swedes,  continued  the 
sv edging  (burning)  on  the  South  River,  and  sev- 
eral tracts  were  thus  cleared  in  1654-55. 

When  spring  came  the  improved  land  of  New 
Sweden  was  large  enough  to  support  the  people, 
but  the  winter  frost  ruined  the  grain,  which  had 
l)een  sown  in  the  autumn.  There  was  no  corn  in 
the  colony  for  a  new  seeding,  but  Richard  Lord 
promised  to  supply  the  want.  As  he  arrived 
rather  late,  however,  the  old  fields  were  planted 


Storehouses  in  Finland.  Near  the  corner  to  the  right  of  the  central  store- 
house is  a  harrow,  made  of  "long  wooden  teeth,  "  and  to  the  left  is  the  sled  loaded 
with  hay.     R. 


THE  COLONY  UNDEK  RISING  AND  PAPECO.TA  30 1 

with  tobacco  in  March  and  April,  and  many  new 
plots  were  prepared. 

About  the  beginning  of  May  Isaac  Allerton  was 
in  New  Sweden  with  his  skipper  Michel  Tentor. 
He  sold  a  hogshead  of  French  wine,  twenty-six 
cups  and  saucers,  one  hundred  pounds  of  butter, 
forty  pairs  of  shoes,  twenty-three  undershirts, 
several  gallons  of  vinegar,  a  quantity  of  hops  and 
a  variety  of  other  goods.  On  May  7  Skipper  Wil- 
liam King  sold  three  hundred  and  twenty  yards  of 
frieze  for  1,144  florins.  The  two  bills  were  paid 
for  by  drafts,  one  due  in  three  months  from  date, 
the  other  in  August.  A  few  days  later  Richard 
Lord  finally  came  to  Christina  with  his  ketch  and 
a  cargo,  "consisting  of  grain,  fish,  cloth,  clothes, 
salt,  hops,  bread,  meat  and  other  goods."  His 
prices  were  exorbitant,  but,  as  the  Swedes  were  in 
extreme  need,  they  contracted  a  purchase.  He 
would  not  sell  the  merchandise  on  the  same  terms 
as  former!}',  and  also  presented  some  old  bills  for 
payment.  Finally  he  accepted  a  draft  for  the 
amount  of  the  new  purchase,  drawn  on  the  com- 
mercial college  to  be  cashed  one  month  after  sight. 
Eight  per  cent,  were  to  be  paid  him  on  the  new  as 
well  as  on  the  old  debt,  and  all  damages,  which  he 
would  suffer  as  a  result  of  the  bills  not  being 
settled  before  August,  were  assumed  by  Rising. 
About  the  same  time  Thomas  Sanford  from 
Boston  arrived  at  Christina  with  a  quantity  of 


302  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

bread,  dried  meat,  brandy,  salt  and  other  things 
whieli  he  sold  to  the  Swedes. 

During  his  stay  Lord  also  ''promised  to  import 
English  sheep  and  other  cattle,  as  well  as  bees  and 
all  sorts  of  fruit  trees."  Again,  as  he  had  done 
in  the  previous  autumn,  he  agreed  to  transport 
mail  through  his  correspondents  to  Sweden  and  to 
the  Swedish  agents  in  Holland.  Accordingly 
Rising  wrote  letters  to  his  principals  in  Stockholm 
as  well  as  to  Peter  Trotzig  in  Amsterdam,  and 
made  his  third  relation,  dated  June  16,  1655.  He 
reported  that  the  colony  was  in  a  fairly  good  con- 
dition. Much  land  had  been  cleared,  corn  and 
tobacco  had  been  planted,  and  the  territory  of  New 
Sweden  had  been  greatly  increased.  But  pro- 
visions, clothes  and  the  like  were  sorely  needed; 
and,  if  new  supplies  would  not  soon  arrive  to  cheer 
the  people,  many  would  desert  as  some  had  already 
dfiue,  so  that  "affairs  would  have  a  speedy  end." 
More  colonists  were  desired,  and  requests  for 
skilled  workmen  were  repeated  (but  "house  car- 
penters, who  understood  how  to  cut  all  kinds  of 
timber,"  Rising  expected  to  find  in  New  Eng- 
land). He  proposed  that  a  large  sum  of  money 
should  be  employed  for  the  development  of  the 
colony  according  to  plans  submitted  by  Elswick, 
and  he  suggested  a  new  route  for  the  ex]x='ditions. 
The  journey  by  way  of  the  Canaries  was  long  and 
troublesome  on  account  of  the  severe  heat;  the 


THE  COLONY    UNDER   RISING   AND   PAPEGOJA        303 

route  further  north  used  by  the  English  was  many 
hundred  miles  shorter,  and  could  be  accomjDlished 
in  from  five  to  ten  weeks.  Plans  for  the  establish- 
ment of  factories  were  still  unaccomplished,  but 
as  soon  as  supplies  arrived  beginnings  would  be 
made.  Threats  of  the  Dutch  and  dangers  from 
the  English  and  the  savages  disturbed  the  colony 
somewhat,  but  not  to  any  alarming  degree. 

Except  for  the  outbreak  mentioned  above  the 
colony  had  been  at  peace  with  ' '  the  denizens  of  the 
forest"  for  a  long  time.  Rising  treated  them  with 
kindness  and  forbearance,  permitting  them  "to 
pass  freely  in  and  out. ' '  Thomas  Ringold  warned 
the  Swedes  not  to  allow  the  Indians  so  much 
liberty  in  coming  and  going,  "because  they  were 
murderous  men,"  but  Rising's  policy  proved  a 
correct  one.  The  Minquas  always  remained 
friendly,  and  called  themselves  "the  protectors  of 
the  Swedes. ' '  Rising  wished  to  buy  a  large  tract 
of  land  from  them  bordering  on  Chesapeake  Bay, 
and  it  was  proposed  that  the  Swedes  "should  build 
a  fortress  at  Chakakitque,  for  the  purpose  of  trad- 
ing with  those  from  Severn,  Kent  and  the  whole 
of  Virginia."  The  English  had  also  set  their 
heart  on  this  district.  But  Jacob  Svensson,  who 
had  been  sent  to  the  Susquehannas  in  the  begin- 
ning of  June  succeeded  in  bringing  about  an  under- 
standing with  the  Indians,  and  on  June  6,  "four 
sachems  or  chiefs  from  the  Minquesser,"  who  inti- 


304  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

mated  that  they  had  important  matters  to  present 
from  their  entire  council,  accompanied  him  to 
Christina.  They  remained  in  the  fort  over  night, 
and  on  the  following  day  a  conference  took  place, 
of  which  Rising  gives  the  following  account : 

"On  the  seventh  of  this  month  (June)  they,  with  a 
long  oration,  on  behalf  of  the  joint  council  of  the  IMin- 
quesser  and  of  their  united  nations,  presented  to  us 
Swedes  all  the  laud  which  is  located  on  the  east  side  of 
the  Virginia  River  (called  Elk  River  in  English),  all 
[the  way]  from  the  beginning  of  Chakakitque  Falls  unto 
the  end  of  Amisacken  Falls ;  a  land*  . . .  of  choice  soil, 
endowed  with  beautiful  fresh  rivers,  so  that  many  thous- 
and families,  who  might  be  settled  there,  can  find  their 
nourishment.  And  they  gave  us  this  with  special  cere- 
monies for  an  everlasting  possession,  the  land  with  every- 
thing that  might  be  upon  it,  woods,  the  ground,  birds  and 
animals,  soil  and  everything  that  might  be  in  it  and  could 
be  found  useful,  the  water  and  everything  therein  of 
tish,  birds  and  animals  (of  which  they  enumerated  a 
large  number  and  designated  with  particular  signs). 
[They]  also  promised  that,  whenever  we  would  send  our 
people  there  to  settle  said  land,  they  would  supply  all 
the  Swedish  people  with  venison  and  nmize  for  a  year 
without  any  remuneration,  on  the  condition  that  Ihey 
could  buy  there  from  us  cloth,  guns  and  other  merchan- 
dise, which  they  now  purchase  from  the  Hollanders  and 
English,  and  that  we  would  settle  blacksmiths  and  tanners 
there,  who  could  make  their  guns  and  other  things  for 
good  pay.  As  a  sign  that  this  donation  would  be  legal, 
they  presented  some  beavers,  and  then  they  caused  their 
guns  to  be  discharged,  upon  which  they  were  answered 
by  a  Swedish  salute  from  two  cannon.  Thereupon  a 
deed  was  made,  which  they  signed  with  their  marks, 
namely  ('JiakcoricicJiiaqur,  who  was  sent  by  the  Teha(|iU' 

(*)  "About  22  Dutcli  miles  in  lengtli  and  12  (Dutch)  miles 
in  breadtli." 


THE  COLONY  UNDER  RISING  AND  PAPEGOJA  305 

and  Skonedidehaga  nation;  Svanahdndaz,  sent  by  the 
true  Minqueser;  Waskandqudz  [sent]  by  the  lower  quar- 
ter of  the  JMinques;  Sahagoliwatquaz,  sent  by  the  Seros- 
quaeke  [tribe]  .  . .  And  Mr.  Richard  Lord,  who  was 
there  wdth  us,  was  greatly  astonished  on  account  of  the 
liberality  and  the  speeches  of  these  Minqueser,  for  they 
presented  to  us  the  lands,  w^hich  the  English  desired 
to  have  long  ago  .  . .  [But]  we,  [who  are]  mentioned  be- 
low, also  signed  this  letter  of  donation,  Johannes  Rising, 
Hend[rick]  Elswick,  Jacob  Svensson,  Sven  Hook,  the 
ship-lieutenant,  Sven  Ilausson,  the  ensign.  When  all  this 
was  completed,  these  JNlinquese  sachems  took  us  all  by  the 
hand ;  and  Svanahdndaz,  who  had  been  spokesman,  took 
me  by  the  hand,  and  led  me  forward  on  the  tioor,  and 
said,  '  as  I  now  lead  you  by  the  hand,  thus  we  will  bring 
your  people  into  the  country,  and  [we]  will  sustain  you 
there  and  defend  you  against  Indians  and  against  Chris- 
tian enemies.  Thereupon  we  confirmed  this  donation 
with  our  gifts.'  " 

By  this  purchase  the  territory  of  New  Sweden 
was  increased  westward.  It  now  included  the 
present  state  of  Delaware,  parts  of  Pennsylvania, 
New  Jersey  and  Maryland,  and  bordered  on  two 
great  bays  with  splendid  possibilities  for  develop- 
ing trade  and  shipping.  If  sufficient  resources 
had  been  at  hand,  Eising  would  have  laid  the 
foundation  for  a  strong  and  prosperous  colony, 
which  could  have  opposed  the  attacks  of  the  neigh- 
bors. As  it  was  the  donation  proved  useless. 
Two  former  land  grants  were  also  confirmed  about 
this  time,  and  the  relations  with  the  savages  con- 
tinued to  be  friendly  during  the  summer  and 
autumn. 


3o6  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE  DELAWARE 

As  rumors  were  circulated  in  the  summer  that 
Stuyvesant  had  decided  to  attack  New  Sweden 
a  plan  of  defence  was  outlined.  ''Hereafter," 
says  Rising  in  his  journal,  "we  let  the  sol- 
diers and  other  people  of  the  company  work  on 
the  fortifications  as  much  as  we  could;  and  [about 
June  19,  they]  cut  and  harvested  the  hay  at  Fort 
Christina  and  Fort  Trinity,  as  well  as  the  grain, 
which  had  grown  this  year." 

Shortly  after  harvest  Rising,  in  company  with 
"Lindestrom  as  engineer"  and  three  other  men, 
''sailed  down  to  the  entrance  of  the  bay  in  order 
to  observe  the  situation  of  the  river"  for  the  pur- 
pose of  making  a  correct  map  of  it ;  and  a  few  days 
later  he  went  up  to  the  Falls  at  Trenton  "with 
some  men  who  were  acquainted  there  . .  . ,  so  as 
to  make  a  sketch  of  the  whole  river."  He  be- 
lieved that  there  were  minerals  in  this  region,  as 
a  sachem  told  him  "that  a  large  mountain  was 
situated  a  day's  journey  from  the  falls,  where  the 
savages  find  lead-ore,  with  which  they  color  them- 
selves on  the  body  and  on  the  face. ' ' 

The  settlers  gradually  laid  out  roads  between 
the  homesteads,  and  began  to  use  wagons  at  this 
time  for  the  transportation  of  goods,  increasing 
the  comfort  of  the  pioneers  and  solidifying  the 
colony.  The  merchandise  bought  from  the  Eng- 
lish and  Dutch  did  not  suffice.  Provisions  appar- 
ently   were    plentiful,    but    clothes    gave    out. 


Peter  Stuyvesant. 


THE  COLONY   UNDER  RISING   AND   PAPEGOJA        307 

''Linen,"  writes  Elswick  in  the  late  summer 
(1655),  "is  so  scarce  here,  that  some  soldiers 
already  go  without  shirts.  As  long  as  huldan  or 
sailcloth  remained,  shirts  were  made  for  them 
from  it,  but  now  this  is  also  gone."  The  old  free- 
men as  usual  fared  better.  The  majority  had 
enough  for  their  daily  needs,  and  some  were  pros- 
perous. 

II. 

It  was  August.  Dutch  preparations  for  the 
overthrow  of  New  Sweden  had  been  in  progress 
for  a  long  time.  The  friendly  relations  which 
existed  between  Sweden  and  Holland  in  the  early 
days  of  the  colony  had  to  a  large  extent  disap- 
peared. Peace  had  been  made  with  England,  re- 
moving imminent  danger  from  that  quarter. 
When  therefore  the  directors  of  the  Dutch  West 
India  Company  heard  of  the  capture  of  Fort  Casi- 
mir,  they  at  once  resolved  to  retaliate.  They  de- 
cided to  send  re-inforcements  to  Stuyvesant,  who 
had  proposed  to  retake  the  fortress,  as  soon  as  he 
received  orders  from  his  superiors.  ''The  drum 
was  daily  beaten"  in  Amsterdam  to  call  men  to 
enlist  for  service  in  New  Netherland,  the  directors 
being  "in  hopes  of  sending  over  a  detachment  of 
soldiers  in  the  ship  Groote  Chrisfoffel  together 
with  an  arquebusier  and  two  carpenters."  Let- 
ters and  leng-thy  instructions  were  dispatched  to 


3o8  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

Governor  Stuyvesant,  who,  iu  case  the  winter 
should  interfere  with  their  plans,  and  prevent  the 
sending  of  the  re-enforcements,  was  advised  to 
proceed  to  the  South  River  with  such  forces,  as  he 
could  command,  since  it  was  thought  that  these 
were  "about  strong  enough  for  the  occupation  of 
New  Sweden,  especially  if  the  said  expedition 
should  be  undertaken  speedily  and  before  tlie 
Swedes  were  relieved."  He  was  advised  to  hire 
two  or  three  private  ships,  in  addition  to  the 
Sicarte  Arent  (Black  Eagle),  placed  at  his  disposal 
by  the  company,  and  to  engage  "all  such  freemen 
as  offered  themselves  [freely  at  a  stated  wage]  or 
might  be  induced  by  some  other  means,"  Haste 
was  imperative,  for  it  was  "feared,  not  without 
reason,  that  . .  .  the  Swedes  . .  .  might  get  assist- 
ance and  re-inforcements"  in  the  near  future. 
Stuyvesant  was  ordered  to  transmit  "not  only 
authenticated  copies  of  the  conveyance  and  titles 
of  the  purchased  lands  on  the  .  .  .  South  River, 
executed  in  the  year  1651,  but  also  such  other  au- 
thentical  documents  and  papers,  as  may  be  found 
necessai-y  for  the  confirmation  of  the  indecency  of 
these  proceedings  [of  the  Swedes]  and  the  viola- 
tion of  the  so  lawful  possession  of  the  company." 
The  directors  expected  the  concpiest  of  New 
Sweden  to  be  accomplished  in  the  early  part  of 
K);"),"),  aud  their  disapiiointment  was  great,  when 
they  learned  that  Stuyvesant  had  sailed  for  the 


THE  COLONY  UNDER  RISING  AND  PAPEGOJA  309 

Barbadoes  in  January,  without  their  knowledge 
and  consent.  In  April  they  began  anew  to  prepare 
for  the  long  planned  attack  on  the  Swedish  settle- 
ments, at  this  time  *' concluding  not  only  to  take 
up  again  the  expedition  in  question  but  also  to 
undertake  and  carry  it  out  with  more  assurance  of 
success."  For  this  purpose  a  ship  was  chartered 
called  De  Waag  (the  Scales).  About  two  hundred 
men  under  the  command  of  Captain  Frederick  de 
Coeninck  having  embarked,  the  vessel  set  sail 
about  the  beginning  of  June,  and  reached  New 
Amsterdam  on  August  3  (13).  Immediately  upon 
the  arrival  of  the  ship  final  arrangements  for  the 
expedition  were  begun;  and  on  the  sixth  (six- 
teenth) Stuyvesant,  who  was  indisposed,  ordered 
the  council  and  Captain  de  Coeninck  to  take 
charge  of  the  preparations.  At  the  same  time  a 
''proclamation  appointing  the  fifteenth  (twenty- 
fifth)  of  August  a  day  of  prayer  and  fast- 
ing to  invoke  God's  blessing  on  the  expedi- 
tion [was  issued]."  A  few  days  later  a 
call  for  volunteers  was  published,  offering  "a 
reasonable  salary  and  board  money"  to  the 
applicants,  and  promising  them  a  ''proper  re- 
ward" in  case  of  injury.  The  Jews  were  ex- 
empted from  military  service,  but  on  the  condi- 
tion "that  each  male  person  over  16  and  under  60 
years  [should]  contribute,  for  the  aforesaid  free- 
dom towards  the  relief  of  the  general  municipal 


3IO  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE   DELAWARE 

taxes,  sixty-five  stivers  every  month."  A  special 
commissary  was  appointed  x\ugust  9  (19),  who 
should  ''see  to  it  and  supervise  that  all  ammuni- 
tion and  victuals  needed  for  the  intended  expedi- 
tion ...  be  ordered,  shipped  and  properly  taken 
care  of."  On  the  same  date  a  resolution  was 
passed  by  the  council  ''friendly  to  ask  some  mer- 
chant-ships . .  .  [then  at  New  Amsterdam]  into 
the  service  of  the  country  with  the  promise  of  a 
proper  compensation  for  it,"  but  "in  case  the 
skippers  refused  [they  should  be  pressed]  into 
the  service  . .  .  with  their  ships,  ammunition,  the 
people  with  them,  provisions  and  implements." 

In  accordance  with  this  resolution  Captain 
Douwes  was  ordered  on  the  fourteenth  (twenty- 
fourth)  to  "keep  himself  ready"  to  embark,  upon 
receiving  orders;  and  certain  captains  of  vessels 
in  the  harbor  were  commanded  to  furnish  each 
"two  men  and  their  surplus  of  provisions  and  am- 
munition of  war."  Cornells  van  Tienhoven  and 
Frederick  de  Coeninck  were  commissioned  to  pro- 
ceed on  board  the  ships,  the  Bontehoe  (The 
Spotted  Cow),  the  Beaver  and  the  New  Amster- 
dam to  enforce  the  orders.  Three  sloops  and  a 
French  privateer  were  hired,  and  a  loan  of  "fif- 
teen hundred  guilders  in  black  and  white  wam- 
pum" was  floated  by  the  council  for  the  expenses 
of  tlie  campaign  and  presents  to  tlie  natives. 

Towards  the  end  of  August  preparations  were 


THE  COLONY   UNDER  RISING   AND   PAPEGO.TA        311 

completed,  and  on  Sunday,  the  twenty-sixth  (Sep- 
tember 5),  the  fleet  weighed  anchor  ''after  the  ser- 
mon." ''The  fleet  was  composed  of  two  yachts 
called  the  Hollanse  Tuijn  (Holland  Garden),  the 
Prinses  Royael,  a  galiot  called  the  Hoop  (Hope), 
mounting  four  guns,  the  flyboat  Liefde  (Love), 
mounting  four  guns,  the  vice-admiral's  yacht  the 
Dolphijn  with  four  guns,  the  yacht  Ahrams  Ojfer- 
hande  (Abraham's  Offering),  as  rear  admiral, 
mounting  four  guns"  and  the  Waag  (Balance), 
and  it  carried  a  force  of  "three  hundred  and  sev- 
enteen soldiers  besides  a  company  of  sailors."* 
Every  precaution  was  taken  to  prevent  the 
Swedes  from  obtaining  knowledge  of  the  prepara- 
tions. Shortly  before  the  expedition  left  New 
Amsterdam  Edmund  Scarborough  desired  to  re- 
turn to  Virginia  with  his  vessel,  but  he  was 
granted  permission  to  do  so  only  by  furnishing 
bail  to  the  amount  of  £5,000  sterling  as  a  guar- 
antee that  he  would  not  enter  the  South  Bay  or 
South  River  either  directly  or  indirectly  and  that 
his  people  would  promise  under  oath  not  to  give 
information  to  anyone  on  sea  or  on  land.  These 
and  other  precautions  were  so  successful  that  Ris- 

(*)  According  to  Rising  the  force  consisted  of  about  600 
to  700  men  (in  another  place  he  says  from  400  to  500,  Journal), 
and  this  number  (600  to  700)  has  been  accepted  as  the  correct 
one  by  the  writers.  Linderstrom  goes  further.  He  says: 
"Anno  1655  den  30  Aug.  kom  General  Stuyvessandh  medh  en 
arme  a  1,500  vian  stack."  Georgr.,  p.  223.  Stuyvessant  said 
in  1664  that  there  were  forty  soldiers  and  150  to  160  militia, 
in  all  about  200  men.    Doc,  II,  223;    442, 


312  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

iug  was  not  aware  of  the  impending  danger  before 
it  was  almost  on  him. 

About  the  beginning  of  Augiist,  however,  news 
of  Stuyvesant's  intentions  reached  the  Indians, 
who  straightway  carried  the  intelligence  to  New 
Sweden.  Rising  immediately  called  the  council  to- 
gether, who  decided  to  despatch  two  spies,  Jacob 
Sprint  and  Hans  Mansson,  to  Manliattan.  ' 'About 
the  same  time  Sven  Hook  with  four  men  was  sent 
down  the  river  to  reconnoitre,  but  he  returned  on 
the  tenth  of  August,  having  observed  nothing." 
Mansson  and  Sprint,  however,  returned  five 
days  later  from  ''Staten  Island  ...  bringing  a 
complete  and  sure  intelligence  that  the  director 
general  of  New  Netherland  intended  to  come 
...  [to  New  Sweden]  with  four  large  and  several 
small  ships  and  seven  or  eight  hundred  men." 

Sven  Hook  was  again  sent  down  the  Bay  with 
some  soldiers  on  the  sixteenth,  but  he  soon  re- 
turned without  news.  Having  been  ordered  down 
the  river  a  third  time  to  watch  the  enemy,  he  ap- 
peared on  August  30,  reporting  that  he  had  seen 
two  or  three  ships  in  the  Bay  the  previous  even- 
ing. 

A  council  of  war  was  instantly  called.  It  was 
decided  to  defend  Fort  Trinity,  in  case  the  Dutch 
should  attack  it,  and  a  written  instiniction  was 
given  to  Skute,  setting  forth  his  duties.  When 
the  Hollanders  approached,  he  ''should  send  [a 


THE  COLONY  UNDER  RISING  AND  PAPEGO.TA  313 

messenger]  to  their  sliii)s  . .  .  to  find  out, 
if  they  came  as  friends;  and  in  any  case  warn 
them  not  to  pass  the  above  mentioned  fort,  for  if 
they  did  he  would  fire  at  them,  which  they  should 
not  look  upon  as  [an  act  of]  hostility."  "150  lbs. 
of  powder,  a  number  of  muskets,  swords,  pikes, 
bullets  and  other  necessary  things"  were  taken 
into  the  fort  on  the  same  day,  and  the  soldiers  and 
freemen  were  supplied  with  powder  and  other  am- 
munition. Provisions  were  also  collected,  and 
forty-seven  bushels  of  rye,  fourteen  gallons  of 
brandy,  quantities  of  beer  and  other  necessaries 
were  carried  into  the  storehouse  of  Trinity  Fort 
within  the  next  few  days. 

Stuyvesant  arrived  in  the  bay  about  three 
o'clock  in  the  afternoon  of  August  27  (September 
6),  but  on  account  of  the  tide  and  a  calm  he  was 
unable  to  proceed  up  the  river  before  the  follow- 
ing day.  Tn  the  evening  of  August  29  he  cast 
anchor  before  Fort  Elfsborg,  landed  his  men  and 
bivouacked  for  the  night,  while  his  little  force  was 
reviewed  and  divided  into  five  companies,  "each 
under  its  own  colors."  *  During  the  night,  which 

(*)  "The  general's  [Stuyvesant's]  company,  of  which 
Lieut.  Kuijtingh  was  captain,  and  Jan  Hagel  ensign-bearer, 
was  ninety  strong.  The  general's  second  company,  of  which 
Dirck  Smit  was  captain,  and  Don  Pouwel  ensign-beai'er,  was 
sixty  strong.  Nicolaes  de  Sill  a,  the  marshal's  company,  of 
which  Lieut.  Pieter  Ebel  was  captain  and  William  van 
Reijnevelt  ensign-bearer,  was  fifty-five  strong.  Frederick  de 
Koningh,  the  major's  company,  of  which  Pir-ter  de  Coningckx 
was  ensign-bearer,  was  sixty-two  strong.  The  major's  second 
company,    which    was    compoatd    of    Scamen    and    pilots,    v/ith 


314  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

was  very  dark,  hiding  the  manoeuvres  of  the 
Dutch,  a  sloop  was  sent  up  to  Sandhook.  Here  a 
number  of  Swedish  freemen  were  captured,  who 
gave  information  about  the  condition  of  the  col- 
ony. On  August  31  the  fleet  moved  on,  ''passed 
Fort  Casimir  [Trinity]  about  8  or  9  P.  M.  with- 
out any  act  of  hostility  on  either  side,  [and]  cast 
...  anchor  above  the  fortress."  Skute  with 
his  officers  and  men  were  at  the  guns,  but  though 
every  Dutch  vessel  was  within  range  of  the  Swed- 
ish cannon,  the  commander  withheld  orders  to  fire, 
for  he  saw  the  hopelessness  of  the  situation.  The 
Dutch  troops  were  soon  landed,  and  "the  passage 
to  Christina  [was]  occupied  by  fifty  men"  to  pre- 
vent the  exchange  of  communication  between  the 
Swedes.  Shortly  after  the  fleet  had  come  to 
anchor.  Lieutenant  Smith  with  a  drummer  and  a 
white  flag  was  sent  ashore  to  demand  the  sur- 
render of  the  fort.  Smith,  being  met  on  the  bank 
by  Lieut.  Gyllengren  with  two  musketeers,  deliv- 
ered the  orders  of  his  commander,  stating  that  the 
Dutch  were  informed  through  the  Swedish  author- 
ities that  Fort  Casimir  had  been  taken  "neither 
l)y  the  orders  nor  the  consent  of  the  Swedish  gov- 
ernment or  of  the  Swedish  Crown,"  and  that  it 
was  therefore  the  duty  of  the  commander  to  re- 

Dirck  Jansz  Verstiaten  of  Ossanen  as  their  captain,  boatswain's 
mate  Dirck  Claesz  [en],  of  Mannikendam  as  ensign-bearer,  and 
the  sail-maker,  Jan  lllisz  of  Honsiim  as  lieutenant,  consisted 
of  fifty  men,  making  altogether  317  men," 


THE  COLONY   UNDER   RISING   AND  PAPEGO.TA        315 

turn  tlie  fort  to  its  rightful  owners.  But  Gyllen- 
gren  informed  liiin  tliat  since  they  had  received  no 
instructions  to  that  effect,  they  would  fight  to  the 
last  man.  Smith,  desiring  to  speak  with  the  Swed- 
ish commander,  was  thereupon  blindfolded  and 
led  through  the  fortress  into  Skute's  dwelling. 
Skute  wished  to  write  to  Director  Rising,  and  re- 
quested some  delay ;  but  it  was  denied,  and  Smith 
returned  to  the  ships. 

Meanwhile  Stuyvesant  landed  his  artillery,  and 
prepared  to  besiege  the  fortress.  Smith  was  sent 
with  a  second  message,  requesting  Skute  ''not  to 
wait  the  attack  of  their  troops,"  but  to  give  up 
the  fort.  "The  Dutch  envoy"  was  again  met  by 
Gyllengren,  who  made  the  same  reply  as  before 
to  his  demands,  warning  him  not  to  come  a  third 
time,  "for  the  land  belonged  to  the  crown  of 
Sweden."  Later  the  armorer  Kampe  was  sent 
to  confer  with  the  Dutch  governor,  who  requested 
a  personal  interview  with  Skute.  Skute,  having 
agreed  to  a  conference,  met  his  opponent  with  four 
musketeers  in  the  valley  about  half  way  between 
the  fortress  and  the  Dutch  battery.  A  second  re- 
(juest  for  permission  to  send  an  open  letter  to  Di- 
rector Rising  was  refused,  but  an  hour's  delay  for 
a  final  answer  to  the  summons  of  Stuyvesant  was 
granted.  After  an  hour  Kampe  once  more  ap- 
])eared  at  the  Dutch  camp,  requesting  a  delay  until 
the  next  morniug.    This  cpncession  was  likewise 


3l6  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE   DELAWARE 

grauted,  but  on  the  condition  that  Skute  would 
again  meet  the  Dutch  governor  at  eight  o'clock; 
**  because  we  could  not  finish  our  battery  [before 
that  time],"  says  Stuyvesaut. 

Skute  now  encouraged  his  people,  tried  to 
arouse  them  to  a  sense  of  duty  and  exhorted  them 
to  make  all  possible  resistance,  but  the  soldiers 
were  mutinous  and  would  not  obey  orders.*  Sev- 
eral escaped  over  the  walls,  carrying  news  to  Stuy- 
vesaut of  the  conditions  in  the  fort.  One  of  these 
fugitives,  Gabriel  Forsman,  was  shot  through  the 
leg  by  Lieutenant  Gyllengren,  as  he  climbed  over 
the  embankment  and  died  from  the  wounds  (the 
only  casualty  through  "the  war").  About  fifteen 
soldiers  were  then  placed  under  arrest,  whereupon 
order  and  obedience  was  restored.  During  the 
night  Anders  Dalbo  and  Karl  Julius  were  sent  in 
a  canoe  to  Fort  Christina  with  reports  and  re- 
quests for  aid.  Rising  directed  Skute  to  hold  out, 
as  assistance  would  soon  arrive,  but  if  he  was 
com])elled  to  capitulate  he  should  do  so  on  as  good 
terms  as  possible. 

The  Swedish  commander  "did  not  go  to  the 
camp  of  the  Hollanders"  on  Saturday  morning 

{*)  "Soldaterne  ....  som  clock  pS,  sistone  alle  giorde  sigh 
Rebellyske  och  goffwe  sigh  alle  dhe  1.000  dieflar,  som  i  Hehvete 
l)or,  at  dhee  icke  skiille  stM,  fast  dhee  wille  partera  dhom  i 
1,000  styken."  Signed  stateiDent  of  Gyllengren,  Rev.  Hiovt, 
Peter  Lindestroni  and  others,  August  31,  1655,  enclosed  with 
letter  to  E.  0.\enstiernu.  The  document  was  discovered  by 
Dr.  Malmsten  in  Kammnrarkivet  during  the  author's  visit  to 
Stockholm  in  1009.     It  is  now  preserved  in  Ox.  8a ml.     (R.A.) 


THE  COLONY    UNDER   RISING    AND   PAPECO.TA         317 

(September  1),  as  Governor  Stuyvesant  had  re- 
quested. In  his  stead,  however,  he  despatched 
Anders  Kiimpe  at  the  appointed  hour,  but  the 
Dutch  governor  insisted  on  Skute's  coming.  Ac- 
cordingly a  second  conference  was  arranged  by 
the  two  commanders  half  way  between  the  fort  and 
the  Dutch  batteries.  Governor  Stuyvesant  once 
more  demanded  the  surrender  of  the  stronghold, 
but  Skute  still  talked  of  resistance,  promising  to 
make  it  uncomfortable  for  the  Dutch  soldiers,  if 
they  should  dare  to  approach  within  reach  of  a 
Swedish  bullet.  Stuyvesant  replied  with  charac- 
teristic vigor.  If  he  lost  a  man,  he  said,  he  would 
not  spare  a  soul  in  the  fort.  At  last  Skute  came 
to  terms,  ''but  he  desired  to  see  Stuyvesant 's  or- 
ders before  he  would  agree  to  anything."  Having 
been  brought  on  board  the  ship  De  Waag,  where 
the  orders  of  the  Dutch  West  India  Company, 
were  laid  before  him,  he  resolved  to  surrender, 
whereupon  the  conditions  and  terms  of  capitula- 
tion were  discussed. 

In  the  meantime  Rising  ' '  sent  nine  or  ten  of  the 
best  freemen  to  aid  in  defending  Fort  Trinity"; 
but  as  they  had  crossed  Christina  River  they  were 
surrounded  by  about  forty  Dutch  soldiers  and  or- 
dered to  surrender.  The  Swedes  made  o]iposi- 
tion  and  a  fight  ensued,  but  they  were  overpowered 
and  captured  except  two,  who  escaped  across  the 
river  in  a  boat  amid  a  shower  of  bullets.     These 


31§  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

reached  Fort  Christina  in  safet}',  while  the  sol- 
diers who  pursued  them  were  caused  to  withdraw 
into  the  woods,  by  a  ball  from  one  of  the  guns  on 
the  battlements. 

Finally  the  conditions  of  surrender  between 
Skute  and  Stuyvesant  were  agreed  upon  and  the 
capitulation  was  signed  on  board  the  Waag  the 
same  day  (September  1,  1655).  "When  the  clock 
struck  two  in  the  afternoon,"  says  Lindestrom, 
"a  Dutch  salute  was  given  in  their  camp,  and 
answered  . .  .  from  the  ships,  and  it  was  easy 
to  understand  that  an  accord  had  been  made 
with  our  commander."  The  capitulation  con- 
sisted of  four  articles,  which  contain  two  general 
conditions.  In  the  first  place,  all  property  includ- 
ing cannon  and  ammunition,  belonging  to  the  New 
Sweden  Company,  the  Swedish  Crown  or  private 
persons,  was  to  be  preserved  intact,  and  could  be 
removed  by  the  owners  at  any  time ;  but  "all  pieces 
of  ammunition,  materials  and  other  effects,  be- 
longing to  the  General  Incorporated  West  India 
Company, ' '  must  be  delivered  into  the  hands  of  the 
Dutch  commander ;  secondly,  the  garrison  was  ac- 
corded the  honors  of  war.  But  two  important 
points  were  omitted :  Skute  neglected  to  insert  an 
article,  s])ecifying  the  time  of  the  capitulation  and 
the  treatment  of  the  soldiers  after  the  surrender. 

When  Skute  returned  to  the  fort  about  75  Dutch 


THE  COLONY  UNDER  RISING  AND  PAPEGOJA  319 

soldiers  followed  him.*  Some  time  between  two 
and  four  the  gates  were  opened;  and  the  com- 
mander marched  out  of  Fort  Trinity  with  the 
Swedish  flag  and  twelve  men  in  full  accoutre- 
ments as  his  bodyguard,  the  others  having  only 
their  side  arms.  Thereupon  the  Dutch  troops  filed 
into  the  fortress,  the  Swedish  flag  was  replaced  by 
the  Dutch,  the  Dutch  salute  was  given  and  Fort 
Trinity  was  again  called  Fort  Casimir.f  The 
Swedish  soldiers  were  retained  on  board  the 
ships,  and  September  7  they  were  taken  to  New 
Amsterdam  on  the  flyboat  Liefde;  but  the  officers 
were  guarded  in  the  fort,  each  in  charge  of  two 
musketeers,  being  well  treated  by  Stuyvesant,  who 
dined  them  at  his  own  table. 

After  the  surrender  the  Dutch  forces  were  given 
a  rest.  On  September  2  (12)  Divine  services  were 
celebrated  in  Fort  Casimir.  Thereupon  Stuyve- 
sant  reported  his  success  to  the  council  of  New 
Amsterdam,  ordering  the  same  to  appoint  "a 
special  day ' '  of  thanksgiving  for  the  victory. 

(*)  Lindestrom  accuses  Skute  of  capitulating  without  con- 
sulting the  other  officers  and  relates  how  he  and  Gyllengren 
gave  the  soldiers  a  barrel  of  beer  and  put  them  to  work  on  the 
fortifications,  while  Skute  was  conferring  with  Stuyvesant. 
At  four  in  the  afternoon  the  work  on  the  fort  was  ready  to 
withstand  an  attack  of  the  enemy,  but  then  Skute  had  already 
surrendered  and  all  was  lost.     Geogr.,  pp.  225-30. 

(f)  Lindestrom  says:  "Gafs  Hollenskt  losen  pS,  Fort  Tree- 
faldigheet,  sedan  swarades  uthi  lagret,  och  pS,  Skieppen,  there- 
after strax  lassades  heela  umg^ngen  p5,  Fort  Treeefaldlgheet 
samt  uthanwiirket,  suarades  s§,  iter  medh  alle  styckene  I  lagret 
och  omg^iig  (erne)  p§,  Skippen."     Georgr.,  p.  231. 


320  THE  SWEDES   ON   THE  DELAWARE 

Meanwhile  Rising  liad  been  busy  jjreparing  to 
receive  the  enemy  at  Fort  Christina.  In  the  early 
morning  of  August  31  Elswick  visited  the  settle- 
ments northward  along  the  river.*  At  Kingses- 
sing  he  called  together  the  colonists  and  told  them 
''that  the  time  had  now  come  in  which  they  could 
show  their  fidelity  to  Her  Royal  Majesty  of  Swe- 
den by  helping  to  defend  Her  Majesty's  fort- 
resses." The  people  were  ready  and  willing  to 
aid  in  the  defence,  and  five  men,  Mats  Hansson, 
Peter  Rambo,  Sven  Grunnarsson,  Hans  Mansson 
and  Mats  Bengtsson,  followed  him  at  once.  At 
''Teuakong  Island"  they  were  joined  by  a  few  sol- 
diers and  settlers,  and  from  there  they  went  by 
boat  and  canoes  to  Christina,  arriving  at  the  fort- 
ress an  hour  before  daybreak  the  next  morning. 

When  Rising  saw  that  the  Dutch  were  getting 
the  upper  hand  at  Fort  Trinity,  he  delegated 
Hendrick  Elswick  to  enquire  what  their  real  inten- 
tions were.  '' Factor  Elswick  came  from  Fort 
Christina,"  says  Stuyvesant,  ''and  asked  in  a 
friendly  way  and  in  the  name  of  his  director  the 
cause  of  our  coming,  and  .  . .  [desired  to  see]  the 
orders  of  our  superiors  . .  .  He  requested  us  to 
be  satisfied  with  what  we  had  accomplished,  with- 
out advancing  further  upon  the   other   Swedish 

(*)     Upland,    Finland    and   Tinicum. 

(f)  Elswick  was  compelled  to  wait  for  two  hours  before 
the  interview  was  granted  as  Skute  was  on  board  discussing 
the  terms  of  capitulation. 


THE  COLONY   UNDER  RISING   AND   PAPEGOJA        321 

fort,  using  at  first  persuasive  and  friendly  words, 
afterwards  mingled  with  menaces."  Stuyvesant 
was  on  the  point  of  detaining  Elswick  as  a  spy, 
but  finally  dismissed  him  with  the  reply  that  he 
had  come  to  occupy  the  whole  of  New  Sweden,  and 
would  not  desist  before  he  had  accomplished  his 
object.  On  receiving  this  message  Rising  collected 
his  people  in  the  fort,  and  set  them  to  work  on 
the  walls  and  battlements  day  and  night.  On  Sun- 
day, September  2,  divine  services  were  conducted 
as  usual,  but  afterwards  they  ''worked  busily  on 
the  fort."  During  the  day  an  Indian,  who  sold  a 
pig  in  the  fort,  related  that  he  had  seen  the  Swed- 
ish soldiers  of  Fort  Trinity  carried  prisoners  to 
the  Dutch  vessels.  This  disheartened  the  garrison 
and  only  with  difficulty  could  Rising  keep  up  its 
courage. 

On  the  same  day  a  division  of  the  Dutch  force 
was  marched  up  within  sight  of  Christina,  but 
Stuyvesant  remained  at  Fort  Casimir.  On  Mon- 
day morning  the  Dutch  raised  their  flag  on  the 
Swedish  sloop  in  the  river  above  the  Swedish  fort, 
and  since  they  prepared  to  take  a  stand  by  a  house 
in  the  neighborhood  Lieutenant  Hook  with  a  drum- 
mer was  sent  there  to  inquire  what  their  inten- 
tions were,  and  why  they  stationed  themselves 
there.  From  his  boat  he  was  assured  by  the  Dutch 
that  he  would  be  treated  according  to  the  rules 
governing  the  reception  of  messengers  by  bellige- 


32  2  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

rents,  but  upon  landing  he  was  made  a  prisoner 
and  sent  to  Fort  Casimir  in  chains.*  The  Dutch 
rushed  the  work  on  the  trenches  to  such  an  extent 
during  the  night  that  their  battery  was  ready  the 
following  day.  The  Swedes  now  supposed  that 
Stuyvesant  intended  to  build  a  fort  there,  so  as 
to  be  able  to  control  the  whole  district  below  Chris- 
tina River,  for  it  was  not  yet  believed  that  he  had 
come  to  subjugate  the  entire  colony. 

On  September  5  Fort  Christina  was  surrounded 
on  all  sides.  Three  companies  were  entrenched  to 
the  southwest  across  the  river  around  the  little 
batteries  with  four  cannon  which  were  erected 
there,t  at  some  hundred  feet  apart  to  the  north- 
west were  four  companies  and  two  batteries,  each 
with  three  cannon;*  directly  north  of  the  fortress, 
on  the  ground  laid  out  for  the  city  of  Christine- 
hamn  there  were  six  companies  with  two  batteries 

(*)  It  is  probable  that  he  offended  the  Dutch  in  some  way. 
Lindestrom  says:  "And  what  words  he  spoke  against  the 
Dutch  (for  nahr  talat  och  faldt  hafwer),  one  cannot  really 
know,  [but]  he  was  seized  and  brought  on  board  the  ship 
Amsterdams  Waa(j  and  there  locked  into  heavy  chains." 
Bogaert  says:  "The  13th  was  taken  prisoner  the  Lieutenant  of 
Fort  Crist[ina],  with  a  drummer,  it  being  supposed  that  he 
had  come  as  a  spy  upon  the  army,  in  consequence  of  the 
drummer's  having  no  drum." 

(f)  The  batteries,  according  to  Lindestrom,  were  made 
from  sod  and  protected  by  gabions  and  breastworks.  They 
were  called  "Slangenborg." 

(J)  These  batteries  were  built  out  of  logs,  protected  by 
breast  works  and  gabions.  This  battery  which  was  nearest 
the  fort  (see  the  map  in  the  author's  Swedish  Settlements,  II, 
602.. 603)  was  called  "Myggenborgh,"  because  there  was  "sucl\ 
a  fearful  amount  of  mosquitoes  there," 


THE  COLONY   UNDER   RISING   AND   PAPEGOJA        323 

and  six  cannon* ;  two  companies  were  stationed  on 
Timber  Island,  a  little  to  the  east  of  the  town  with 
two  batteries  (one  ''in  a  new  house")  and  four 
cannon.  The  river  was  closed  a  short  distance  be- 
low the  fort  by  the  ships  De  Waag  and  the 
Spiegel  {Dolpliijn?)  The  other  vessels  were 
anchored  below  these.  The  strength  of  Christina 
had  been  somewhat  increased  when  the  Dutch  be- 
gan to  invest  it,  but  provisions  were  scarce,  and 
the  director  as  well  as  Elswick  were  obliged  to 
supply  various  wants  by  their  own  means.  Beer 
was  especially  used  in  large  quantities  and  five 
barrels  of  it  came  from  Rising's  private  store  dur- 
ing the  siege. 

When  Stuyvesant  had  enclosed  Christina  on 
every  side,  and  cut  off  all  means  of  escape,  he  sent 
an  Indian  to  the  Swedish  director  with  a  letter, 
stating  that  the  fort  and  the  entire  river  must  be 
surrendered,  and  all  the  Swedes  must  leave  the 
country  or  come  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
Dutch  government.  Rising  replied  with  the  In- 
dian that  a  deputation  would  call  on  Governor 
Stuyvesant  to  answer  his  demands  in  full.  A 
council  of  war  was  then  convened  to  decide  on  a 
course  of  action.  The  walls  of  the  fort  were  in 
poor  condition,  and  only  one  round  of  ammunition 

(*)  The  batteries  were  built  of  logs,  filled  in  with  earth 
and  covered  with  sod.  On  account  of  the  large  number  of 
rats  there,  it  was  called  "Rottenbourgh." 

(t)  The  kitchen  (ijee  map)  was  enclosed  in  a  fortified 
square. 


324  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE   DELAWARE 

remained.  The  soldiers  were  out  of  spirits,  some 
were  mutinous,  a  few  had  escaped  over  the  em- 
bankments, and  the  besieged  were  in  miserable 
plights.  Yet  there  was  no  thought  of  surrender 
at  present.  On  the  contrary  it  was  decided  to 
hold  out  against  the  enemy  as  long  as  possible. 
A^o  hostilities  should  be  begun  by  the  Swedes,  and 
no  occasion  for  action  should  be  given ;  but  all  at- 
tacks should  be  repulsed,  until  resistance  was  use- 
less. 

The  Dutch  soldiers  were  now  overrunning  the 
territory  above  Christina  Eiver,  killing  the  cattle, 
swine  and  goats  of  the  settlers,  breaking  open  the 
houses  and  plundering  everything  they  could  get 
at.  Several  of  the  colonists  had  stored  their  pos- 
sessions in  Printz  Ilall  for  better  protection ;  but 
the  Dutch  went  there  also,  carried  off  the  property 
of  Madam  Papegoja  and  the  others,  and  broke 
into  the  church,  taking  away  ''the  cordage  and 
sails  for  a  new  ship."  The  Indians  did  their  share 
of  the  depredation,  and  on  September  2  they  ran- 
sacked the  house  of  Clement  Mickelsson  and  stole 
all  his  belongings.* 

Every  hour  the  Dutch  lines  were  drawn  closer 
around  the  doomed  fort.  On  September  7  a  Dutch 
flag  w^as  raised  on  the  new  ship  in  Fish  River,  and 
"Dutch  banners  were  waving  everywhere."     In 

(*)  "Hausset  nu  die  Hollenrler  sehr  iibell  mit  Torltscbla- 
gung  des  Vihes,  und  pliindrung  der  Heiisscr  aussen  fiinr  diesor 
Fortresse."     Elswich's  Relation. 


THE  COLONY    UNDER   RISING   AND   PAPEGOJA         325 

the  morning  a  commission  from  Rising  waited  on 
Stuyvesant  at  Fort  Casimir.  The  deputation  con- 
sisted of  Hendrick  von  Elswick,  Gregorious  van 
Dyck,  and  Peter  Eambo.  A  memorial  in  seven 
paragraphs  had  been  given  to  them,  defining  their 
powers  and  method  of  their  procedure.  Elswick, 
Avho  was  to  give  an  oral  answer  to  Stuyvesant 's 
demand  of  surrender,  should  see  to  it  that  the 
honor  of  the  crown  of  Sweden  and  of  the  Com- 
mercial College  was  respected,  and  that  Rising  and 
the  other  officers  were  given  their  proper  titles  for 
the  dignity  of  their  superiors.  The  commission- 
ers were  to  refute  Stuyvesant 's  demands  by  pre- 
senting the  Swedish  claims  to  the  country,  saying 
that  they  would  defend  it  to  the  last ;  they  were  to 
endeavor  to  persuade  him  to  desist  from  further 
hostilities,  on  the  ground  that  a  continuation  of 
the  siege  would  cause  a  rupture  in  the  relations  of 
the  two  nations  in  Europe,  and  as  they  were 
closely  akin  in  religion  they  ought  to  be  friends, 
the  country  being  large  enough  for  both.  Elswick 
was  further  to  insist  that  the  dispute  about  the 
boundaries  could  best  be  settled  in  Europe,  and 
lastly  he  should  protest  against  the  imprisonment 
of  Hook.  The  deputation  presented  these  remon- 
strances as  well  as  several  other  protests  and  de- 
manded that  Stuyvesant  should  withdraw  his 
troops  from  the  fort  at  once.  But  Stuyvesant 
simplj^  replied  that  he  was  following  the  orders  of 


326  THE  SWEDES  ON  THE  DELAWARE 

his  superiors,  who  must  shoulder  the  conse- 
quences. On  September  9  Elswick  was  ordered  in 
the  name  of  his  superiors  to  protest  in  writing 
against  the  robberies  and  atrocities  of  the  Dutch 
soldiers.  Stuyvesant  answered  the  letter  the  same 
day.  He  allowed  the  Swedes  no  rights  in  the  river, 
refuted  Rising's  arguments,  and  again  demanded 
the  surrender  of  the  fort.  Another  council  of  war 
was  thereupon  called.  It  was  decided  that  Rising 
should  request  an  inter\new  with  the  Dutch  gov- 
ernor, ''especially  since  he  had  on  two  successive 
days  ...  demanded  a  conference,"  and  a  mes- 
senger was  sent  informing  Stuj^vesant  of  this 
decision.  As  the  proposal  was  agreeable  to  Stuy- 
vesant, the  two  governors  met  for  a  conference 
between  the  fort  and  the  Dutch  camp*  "A  com- 
plete reply  was  made  to  ...  [  Stuyvesant 's] 
lengthy  letter  of  the  previous  day,"  and  more  vig- 
orous ])rotests  were  uttered  against  his  proced- 
ure. But  they  could  come  to  no  terms,  and  Rising 
returned  to  Christina  to  await  further  develo]> 
raents.  On  the  following  day  the  Dutch  batteries 
were  brought  to  completion.  Stuyvesant  "daily 
demanded  Rising's  surrender  with  great  threats" ; 
sent  a  drummer  on  the  twelfth  (twenty-second) 
and  thii-leenth   (twenty- third),  requiring  another 

(*)  Rising  was  accompanied  by  Von  Elswick  and  Stny- 
vpsant  by  the  Vice-Governor  of  New  Netherland,  De  Sille. 
Elswick's  Relation.  There  is  no  mention  of  this  meeting  in 
Rising's  Juunial. 


THE  COLONY   UNDER  RISING  AND   PAPEGOJA         327 

colloquy  with  Rising,  and  demanded  that  the  fort 
should  be  surrendered  before  sunset  on  the  last 
mentioned  day. 

The  condition  of  the  besieged  was  daily  growing 
worse.  Some  were  mutinous  and  many  were  ill. 
The  fort  had  been  reduced  to  its  last  extremity, 
the  guns  of  the  Dutch  were  pointed  at  the  walls, 
and  everything  was  ready  for  an  attack.  The  of- 
ficers saw  the  futility  of  further  resistance.  It 
was  decided  to  capitulate  on  the  best  terms  that 
could  be  had.  At  sunset  Stuyvesant  was  informed 
that  Rising  was  willing  to  meet  him  on  the  four- 
teenth. Time  and  place  of  meeting  having  been 
agreed  upon,  the  "director  of  New  Sweden"  and 
the  general  director  of  New  Netherland  met  "on 
the  place  of  parole  between  Fort  Christina  and 
the  headquarters  of  General  Peter  Stuyvesant  in 
a  large  and  beautiful  tent  erected  for  that  pur- 
pose." Rising  was  accompanied  by  Von  Elswick 
and  Jacob  Svensson  and  Stuyvesant  was  followed 
by  Vice-Governor  de  Sille  and  Major  Friedrich 
de  Coeninck.  The  conference  lasted  for  about  an 
hour.  Rising  warned  his  opponent  not  to  press 
his  demands  too  far,  as  the  consequences  might 
have  far-reaching  results  in  Europe,  but  Stuyve- 
sant would  listen  to  no  other  terms  than  "com- 
plete and  unconditional"  surrender.  Finally  Ris- 
ing agreed  to  give  up  the  fort.  The  articles  of 
surrender,  which  had  been  drafted  by  Elswick  at 


328  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

Rising's  request,  uudoubtedly  according  to  the 
proijositions  and  suggestions  of  the  different  mem- 
bers of  the  council  of  war,  were  presented  to  Stuy- 
vesant  for  his  approval.  Very  few  changes  were 
made,  it  seems,  so  that  the  treaty  became  a  most 
favorable  one  to  the  Swedes.  The  capitulation  (in 
eleven  articles),  which  was  to  be  signed  by  the  two 
governors  the  next  day  (September  15),  con- 
tained the  following  main  points:  The  garrison 
should  march  out  of  the  fort  to  Timber  Island  with 
all  the  honors  of  war;  all  chattels,  ''belonging  to 
the  High  Crown  of  Sweden  and  the  South 
Company  ...  in  and  about  Fort  Christina. ' ' 
should  remain  the  property  of  said  parties  and 
should  be  turned  over  to  the  owners,  whenever  de- 
manded; likewise  ''all  writings,  letters,  documents 
and  deeds  of  the  High  Crown  of  Sweden  and  the 
South  Company  or  of  private  persons,  found  in 
Fort  Christina,"  were  to  "remain  untouched 
without  hindrance  and  visitation  in  the  hands  of 
the  governor  and  his  people,  to  take  them  away, 
whenever  they  please";  "the  officials,  officers, 
soldiers  and  freemen  . .  .  [were  to  be  allowed 
to] keep  their  own  movable  goods  unhindered  and 
undamaged,"  and  they  were  permitted  to  dispose 
of  them  in  any  manner  they  saw  fit;  the  Swedes 
were  to  have  liberty  to  leave  the  country  without 
restriction,  and  all  who  returned  home  should  be 
transported  to  Gothenburg  free  of  expense;  Ris- 


THE  COLONY  UNDER  RISING  AND  PAPEGOJA  329 

iiig  should  have  the  right  to  admonish  liis  own 
people  to  return  to  their  native  land  in  case  some 
were  inclined  to  remain,  the  length  of  P/ii  years 
to  be  granted  to  such  as  could  not  go  at  once,  in 
which  "to  dispose  of  their  movable  and  immov- 
able property";  all  who  wished  to  remain  in  the 
country  under  Dutch  jurisdiction  could  do  so,  and 
they  were  to  "enjoy  the  privilege  of  the  Augsburg 
Confession  and  [have]  a  person  to  instruct  them 
therein" ;  none  of  the  officers,  who  might  have  con- 
tracted debts  in  behalf  of  the  crown  or  of  the 
company,  should  "be  arrested  on  account  of  them, 
within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  general  [director]  "; 
and  finally  Rising  w^as  to  have  full  liberty  to  "in- 
quire into  the  behavior  of  Skute  and  other  officers 
during  the  surrender  of  the  Fort  on  the  Sand- 
hook,"  and  the  capitulation  should  take  effect  on 
September  15  (25).  "A  secret  article"  was  also 
included,  which,  however.  Rising  maintained  was 
not  secret,  but  made  with  the  knowledge  of  his 
people  and  signed  by  Stuyvesant  "in  their  pres- 
ence on  the  place  of  parole."  According  to  this 
* '  secret  and  separate  article, ' '  Rising  and  Elswick 
were  to  be  landed  either  in  England  or  in  France, 
and  Stuyvesant  promised  "to  advance  to  Director 
Rising  either  in  cash  or  in  bills  of  exchange  the 
sum  of  £300  Flanders."  Property  of  equivalent 
value,  belonging  to  the  Swedish  crown  and  the 
New  Sweden  Company,  were  to  be  mortgaged  and 


33©  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE   DELAWARE 

left  in  tlie  bands  of  the  general  director  against 
receipt,  and  Rising  promised  to  repay  the  sum  at 
Amsterdam  within  six  months. 

In  the  forenoon  of  September  15  (25)  the  two 
governors  again  repaired  to  the  place  of  parole. 
The  articles  ''were  re-examined  and  found  to  be 
correct,"  whereupon  two  copies  were  signed,  and 
New  Sweden  was  a  Swedish  colony  no  more.  At 
three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  the  little  garri&on 
("about  thirty  men")  marched  out  of  the  fort 
''with  beating  drums,  playing  of  fifes,  flying  ban- 
ners, burning  matches,  musketballs  in  their  mouths 
and  hand  and  sidearms."*  The  Dutch  soldiers 
took  possession  of  Christina  as  soon  as  the  Swedes 
had  departed,  and  raised  their  flag  above  it.  The 
Swedish  soldiers  were  quartered  in  the  houses  on 
Timber  Island,  but  the  officers  were  lodged  in 
their  own  dwellings  in  the  fort. 

Stuyvesant  was  lenient  in  his  demands,  but  he 
had  special  reasons  for  being  so.  A  few  days  after 
his  leaving  New  Amsterdam  the  Indians  attacked 
several  settlements  in  the  Dutch  colony,  "mur- 
dering 100  men  in  nine  hours."  On  September  2 
(12),  the  day  after  the  surrender  of  Fort  Trinity 
and  the  date  on  which  Stuyvesant  reported  his  suc- 
cess, the  council  informed  the  governor  by  letter 

(*)  Elswick  says:  "Dreij  Uhr  nachmittag  zogen  die  Hollen- 
der  ein  und  unsere  Volker  mit  fligender  Fahne,  slagende  Trum- 
mell,  riirende  Pfeiffe,  brandende  Leiite  sampt  Ober-  und  Unter- 
gewehr,  etc.,  auss  dieser  Fortresse  Christina."     Relation. 


THE  COLONY   UNDER   RISING   AND   PAPEGOJA        33 1 

lliat  the  Indians  had  begun  hostilities  and  com- 
mitted many  murders.*  They  questioned  the  sa- 
gacity of  subduing  distant  places  at  the  risk  of 
losing  *'the  old  property."  They  promised  to  do 
their  utmost  in  defending  the  colony  against  the 
savages,  leaving  it  with  Stuyvesant  to  act  accord- 
ing to  his  judgment  in  the  matter;  but  they  re- 
quested him  to  send  a  speedy  reply,  and  from 
the  tenure  of  the  missive  it  is  clear  that  they  would 
rather  have  him  return  to  defend  New  Netherland 
than  to  gain  some  slight  advantage  on  the  Dela- 
ware. The  letter  was  handed  to  him  in  the  after- 
noon of  September  13  (23),  the  day  before  Rising 
agreed  to  surrender.  It  is  clear  that  these  misfor- 
tunes influenced  Stuyvesant 's  dealings  with  the 
Swedes,  and  had  the  letter  arrived  shortly  after 
Fort  Trinity  was  captured  and  before  Christina 
was  besieged,  it  is  more  than  likely  that  he  would 
have  returned  to  New  Amsterdam,  without  fur- 
ther molesting  the  Swedish  colony. 

The  council  sent  a  second  letter  to  the  governor 
some  time  after  September  3  (13),  advising  him 
to  destroy  Fort  Christina  in  case  it  was  given  into 
his  hands,  causing  the  Swedes  to  remove  from 

(*)  The  council  reported  to  Stuyvesant  that  one  Mr.  Willet 
believed  that  the  Swedes  had  bribed  these  savages  and  that 
through  Swedish  influence  these  troubles  had  fallen  upon 
them,  Doc.  XII.  99.  The  report  was,  of  course,  without  foun- 
dation. Lindestrom  states  that  the  Indians  had  a  conference, 
when  they  found  the  Dutch  were  attacking  New  Sweden,  and 
decided  to  attack  New  Netherland  in  revenge.     Geogr. 


332  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

there,  otherwise  "for  the  preservation  of  the  most 
important  object  and  the  consolation  of  the  inhab- 
itants ...  [to]  make  speedily  a  provisional  treaty 
with  the  governor  of  the  Swedes  in  regard  to  the 
fort  and  the  land  of  Christina  . .  .  and  then  .  .  , 
[return  home]  on  the  first  opportunity  with 
the  ships  and  troops,  to  preserve  what  is 
left."  It  is  not  known  whether  or  not  this 
letter  reached  him  before  the  treaty  was  signed, 
but  it  ma}^  have  come  into  his  hands  on  the  fif- 
teenth (twenty-fifth).  At  any  rate  half  an  hour 
after  the  Swedish  soldiers  had  marched  out  of  the 
fort,  he  appeared  "with  his  officers  and  entire 
council"  before  Rising  in  Christina,  offering  to 
hand  over  the  fort  to  the  Swedes  and  to  make  with 
them  an  offensive  and  defensive  league  on  the  con- 
dition that  the  Dutch  be  allowed  to  dwell  undis- 
turbed in  possession  of  the  land  below  Christina 
River  and  that  the  present  troubles  "be  forgotten 
and  forgiven."  The  Swedes  were  to  remain  in 
possession  of  all  the  land  north  of  the  fortress 
along  the  Delaware,  "the  country  was  large 
enough  for  them  both. ' '  Rising  was  naturally  sur- 
prised at  this  unexpected  turn  of  alfairs,  and  an- 
swered the  Dutch  governor  that  the  proposition 
seemed  somewhat  strange  to  him.  He  thought  it 
was  too  late  to  come  to  any  such  agreement,  but  he 
requested  Stuyvesant  to  present  the  offers  in 
writing,  and  promised  that  a  reply  would  be  de- 


THE  COLONY   UNDER  RISING   AND   PAPEGOJA         T,^^ 

livered  as  soon  as  tlie  Swedish  council  iiad  con- 
sidered the  matter.* 

As  it  was  late  and  since  all  the  members  of  the 
Swedish  council  were  not  in  the  fort,  it  was  de- 
cided to  postpone  the  decision  until  the  next  day. 
The  council,  which  assembled  in  the  forenoon  of 
September  16  (26),  consisted  of  Director  Rising, 
Lieutenant  Sven  Hook  (who  had  been  released), 
Hendrick  von  Elswick,  Gregorius  van  Dyck, 
Johan  Danielsson,  Peter  Wendell  and  Peter 
Eambo,  besides  some  other  freemen.  The  unani- 
mous opinion  of  the  council  was,  however,  that 
Stuyvesant's  offer  could  not  be  accepted.  The  ar- 
guments of  the  diiferent  members  against  repeal- 
ing the  capitulation  may  be  summed  up  as  follows. 
They  had  no  authority  to  enter  into  an  alliance 
with  Stuyvesant,  guaranteeing  that  no  conse- 
quences would  follow  as  a  result  of  the  Dutch  at- 
tack, nor  to  waive  the  rights  and  pretences  of  the 
Swedish  crown  to  damages  for  the  losses  caused 
by  the  Dutch;  they  could  not  subsist  in  the  coun- 
try, since  their  provisions  were  gone,  a  great  part 
of  their  cattle  and  swine  were  killed  and  many  of 
the  plantations  laid  waste ;  and  finally  it  would  be 
disgi'aceful  to  their  superiors  to  reoccupy  the  fort. 
A  vote  was  taken  and  an  answer  was  drafted  to 

(*)     Lindestrom   says:     "Den   18    September   om   m§,rgonen 
kom  eneral  Styfvessandh  inn  till  oss  p§,  Fort  Christina  medh 
sitt  Traiiben  styltandes  rJichte  oss  handen,  till  biidh  oss  wa,rt 
22  landh  igen  och  all  giord  skada  wedhergiLilla  willia." 


334  THE  SWEDES   ON    THE  DELAWARE 

Stiiyvesant's  proposal.  The  reply  stating  that  the 
Svv'edisli  council  had  decided  to  abide  by  the  capit- 
ulation was  carried  to  the  Dutch  governor  by  two 
soldiers. 

The  Dutch  therefore  arranged  to  carry  out  the 
articles  of  surrender.  An  inventory  of  the  prop- 
erty belonging  to  the  Swedish  company  and  the 
Swedish  government  was  made  (from  September 
eighteenth  to  the  twenty-second.  After  it  had 
been  signed  and  sealed,  the  keys  of  the  storehouse 
were  delivered  to  Stuyvesant's  servants  by  the 
gunner  Johan  Danielsson. 

The  Dutch  soldiers  plundered  many  of  the  plan- 
tations at  Finland  and  Upland  during  the  siege, 
and  committed  other  acts  of  violence,  but  order 
was  restored  soon  after  the  signing  of  the  treaty, 
and  most  of  the  settlers  returned  to  their  homes. 

By  an  article  of  the  treaty  Rising  retained  the 
light  to  inquire  into  the  conduct  of  the  Swedish 
officers  at  the  surrender  of  Fort  Trinity.  Accord- 
ingly a  court-martial  was  held  on  Timber  Island 
September  24.  Lieutenant  Sven  Skute  was  made 
the  scapegoat.  He  was  blamed  for  not  giving  or- 
ders to  fire  on  the  Dutch  ships  as  they  passed,  al- 
though Lindestrom  and  Stalkofta  stood  by  the 
guns  ready  to  apply  the  match ;  he  was  accused  of 
not  taking  council  with  his  officers  and  Rising  told 
him  openly  that  he  had  disobeyed  his  orders,  while 
several  other  charges  were  made  against  him  by 


THE  COLONY   UNDER   RISING   AND   PAPEGOJA  335 

Utter  and  Raf.  But  he  denied  them  all,  and  it 
was  brought  out  during  the  examination  that  the 
soldiers  were  mutinous,  and  that  he  had  tried  to 
encourage  them  to  "fight  like  men."  It  seems 
that  Skute  expected  that  he  would  be  held  to  ac- 
count for  giving  up  the  fort,  as  he  prepared  a 
statement,  which,  being  signed  by  Lieutenant  Elias 
Gyllengren,  Rev.  Peter  Hjort,  Constaple  Johan 
Andersson  and  others,  exonerated  him  from  all 
blame.  It  was  sent  with  a  report  of  the  surrender 
to  Eric  Oxenstierna  on  September  29,  1655,  and  is 
preserved  in  the  Royal  Archives  at  Stockholm. 

' '  Preparations  were  now  made  with  all  diligence 
for  the  departure  of  the  Swedes."  Some  of  the 
property  belonging  to  the  New  Sweden  company 
was  sold  to  the  servants  and  freemen  on  credit, 
while  the  remainder  was  placed  under  the  care  of 
the  Vice-Commissioner  Jacob  Svensson  to  be  sold 
in  the  best  way  possible.  Only  a  small  number  of 
the  colonists  desired  to  return  to  Sweden.  Those 
who  remained,  however,  were  required  to  swear 
allegiance  to  the  Dutch.  A  ''call  upon  the  Swedes 
to  take  the  oath"  was  drawn  up,  but  only  nineteen 
freemen  signed  the  documents  preserved  to  us.  It 
is  likely  that  many  other  inhabitants  of  New  Swe- 
den took  the  oath  later. 

From  September  25  to  29  the  baggage  of  the 
officers,  soldiers  and  colonists,  who  returned  to 
the  fatherland,  was  loaded  upon  the  Dutch  ships 


53^  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE   DELAWARE 

and,  when  Rising  had  gone  on  board  the  Waag 
with  his  men  on  October  1  (11),  the  vessels  set  sail 
for  New  Amsterdam,  where  they  arrived  nine  da^^s 
later.  Rising  remained  on  the  Waag  nntil  Sun- 
day afternoon,  October  14  (24).  He  was  then  ad- 
vised by  Elswick  to  make  complaints  in  person  to 
Governor  Stuyvesant  about  various  damages  done 
to  the  property  of  the  New  Sweden  Oompan3\  He 
also  accused  Stuyvesant  of  breaking  "the  stipu- 
lated capitulation",  because  he  did  not  provide 
proper  lodgings,  "and  disputes  with  [unfriendly] 
words  were  said  to  have  occurred  between  them. ' ' 
Two  days  later  Stuyvesant  drew  up  "an  answer 
and  counter-protest ' ',  which  was  presented  to  Ris- 
ing on  October  18  (28).  Rising  replied  the  follow- 
ing day,  denied  the  accusations  of  Stuj^vesant,  re- 
peated some  of  his  former  complaints,  "requested 
in  all  justice  that,  according  to  the  capitula- 
tion, the  troops  ...  should  not  be  influenced  to 
remain,  while  those,  conformable  to  ...  [the] 
agreement  [who  desired  to  go],  ought  to  come 
with  [him]  in  the  same  ship",  and  finally  he  again 
protested  against  all  that  had  been  done  "to  His 
Majesty's  subjects  by  the  invasion,  beleaguering 
and  taking  of  the  whole  South  River."  The  pro- 
test was  delivered  to  Stuyvesant  by  Elswick,  who 
was  accompanied  by  Lieutenant  Sven  Hook  aad 
Peter  Hansson  Wendell;  but  it  seems  to  have  re- 
mained unanswered. 


THE  COLONY  UNDER  RISING  AND  PAPEGOJA  337 

Preparations  were  now  speedily  made  for  the 
transportation  of  Rising  and  his  men  to  Europe. 
Orders  concerning  their  passage  and  landing  were 
given  to  the  skippers  in  whose  vessels  they  were 
to  go,  but  the  Dutch  prevailed  on  most  of  the 
Swedes  to  locate  in  the  colony.  The  officers  and 
people  (37  in  all),*  who  desired  to  leave  were 
finally  placed  on  board  three  vesselsf  with  their 
baggage,  and  on  October  23  (November  2)  they 
went  to  sea. 

The  weather  was  fair  and  the  wind  seems  to 
have  been  favorable,  for  the  vessels  managed  to 
keep  close  together  and  crossed  the  Atlantic  in 
about  four  weeks.  Peter  Lindestrom  gives  the 
following  account  of  his  voyage : 

"By  a  misunderstanding  my  belongings  and  bed-clotlies 
got  onto  the  ship  called  the  Spotted  Cow  and  I,  with 
Commissary  Rising,  onto  the  ship  Bern.  As  we  neared 
the  western  passage  tame  doves,  which  were  on  the 
Spotted  Cow,  always  came  flying  onto  our  ship.  Once  I 
enticed  the  doves  onto  the  deck  with  a  few  peas  and 
captured  one  of  them,  whereupon  I  wrote  a  letter  to  the 
Ensign  Peter  Wendel  (who  was  on  the  ship  The  Spotted 
Cow)   binding  it  around  the  neck  of  the  dove,  and  let 

(*)  Elswick  says:  "35  personen  von  uns  Volk."  He  evi- 
dently excludes  himself  and  Director  Rising.  Pufendorf  says: 
"Eodem  anno  id  quoque  insensi  a  Belgis  Sveciae  illatum,  quod 
liujus  Colonos  Nova  Svecia  plane  ejecerint,  cujus  Gubernator 
Risinguis  cum  triginta  sex  hominibus  mense  Decembri 
Pleimuthensi  in  portu  Angliae  Adpellebat."  De  Rebus  a 
Carolo  Gustavo,  etc.,  Liber  H,  §85   (p.  120). 

(f)  The  Nlew]  Bern,  the  Spotted  Coxd  (Bonte  Koe),  and  the 
White  Horse. 

(it)  Ofioerloppet.  Lindestrom  uses  the  Dutch  word  Over- 
loop  with  Swedish  spelling. 


338  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

her  free.  The  dove  immediately  flew  back  to  her  ship. 
When  the  passengers  there  saw  that  the  dove  had  a  letter 
round  her  neck  they  enticed  her  onto  the  deck  and  took 
the  letter.  Thus  while  we  were  in  the  western  passage, 
I  and  the  ensign  continuously  corresponded  with  one 
another,  and  the  doves  were  the  letter  carriers. 

Finally  I  wrote  to  Wendel,  requesting  him  to  send  my 
things,  if  possible,  from  his  ship  to  mine.  Hence  the 
first  of  November,  1655,  sailors  from  the  ship  the  Spotted 
Cow  let  down  their  boat,  and  the  said  Wendel  came  with 
my  things  to  our  ship.  As  the  sailors  were  to  hoist  the 
chest,  which  was  large  and  heavy,  from  the  boat  onto  the 
ship,  they  pulled  with  such  vigor  that  the  chest  swung 
and  struck  against  the  side  of  the  ship  four  times.  The 
fifth  times  it  struck,  the  cover  flew  open,  so  that  all  my 
things  fell  into  the  sea;  and  I  thus  lost  all  my  instru- 
ments of  fortification,  which  were  very  beautiful,  and 
cost  me  150  R.  D. ;  my  library  of  books  on  fortification, 
together  with  many  other  valuable  things,  which  cost  me 
big  money.  And  I  saw  with  anguish  how  they  were 
sucked  under  the  ship  by  a  wave  and  went  down  to  the 
bottom.  I  did  not  reclaim  more  than  the  drafts  of  my 
maps  and  sketches  and  other  documents,  which  floated  on 
the  waves.  These  were  picked  up  and  I  dried  them  in 
the  sun." 

The  ships  arrived  at  Plymouth  on  December  7 
(17),  whence  Elswick  wrote  to  Commissioner  Joa- 
chim Potter,  briefly  relating  the  circumstances  of 
the  capture  of  New  Sweden.  Rising  went  **  over- 
land to  London,"  drew  his  money  and  made  a  re- 
port to  Clirister  Bonde,  the  Swedish  Ambassador 
to  England.     From  there  he  went  to  Amsterdam. 

The  other  passengers  were  taken  direct  to  Hol- 
land, where  they  arrived  in  January.  Here  they 
were  cared  for  by  Commissioner  Croon  at  the  ex- 


Passport  for   Peter  Lindestrom   given   by   Johan  Rising   "on 
board  the  Dutch  ship  Beryi.  in  the  Channel,  December  1,  1655." 


THE  COLONY    UNDER   RISING   AND   PAPEGOJA         339 

pense  of  the  Dutch  West  India  Company.  Shortly 
after  their  arrival  Lieutenant  Hook  made  a  report 
before  Peter  Trotzig  in  Amsterdam,  and  several 
officers,  soldiers  and  servants,  who  had  money  due 
them  from  services  in  the  colony,  applied  for  aid. 
Elswick  almost  immediately  set  out  for  Stockholm, 
where  he  arrived  February  6.  The  following  day 
he  appeared  before  the  Commercial  College,  pre- 
sented a  letter  from  Rising  and  made  a  report.*) 

(*)  For  an  account  of  Director  Rising  and  the  other  of- 
ficers see  the  author's  Swedish  Settlements,  II,  616,  notes; 
673fE. 


PART  V. 

t!tf)t  American  Company  antj  tfte  ^toelf tfj 

Cxpebition;  tlje  ^toetiisfJ)  Settlements 

mnhtv  Butcfj  iaule,  1654-1664. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

The  American  Company,  the  Last  Expedition 

AND  THE  Efforts  of  Sweden  to  Regain  the 

Colony. 

I. 

Shortly  after  the  sailing  of  the  Haj  (April  15, 
1654)  Printz  and  Huygen  arrived  in  Stockholm 
and  delivered  written  and  oral  reports  to  the 
commercial  college.  The  soldiers  and  servants, 
who  had  accompanied  the  governor,  gradually 
made  their  appearance  in  the  capital  also.  The 
condition  of  the  colony  was  therefore  well  known 
to  the  authorities  and  officers  of  the  company, 
and  Eric  Oxenstierna,  who  continued  to  be  the 
leading  spirit  in  the  effort  to  promote  the  interest 
of  New  Sweden,  brought  the  matter  before  the 
commercial  college;  but  although  the  company 
had  decided  as  early  as  the  previous  March  to 
despatch  a  new  ship  to  the  Delaware,  no  im- 
mediate journey  became  possible,  due  to  the  im- 
poverishment of  the  treasury,  which  in  April  was 
heavily  drawn  upon  by  the  returning  people.  The 
government  still  owed  the  company  several  thou- 

343 


344  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE   DELAWARE 

sand  R.  D.,  but  the  political  situation  was  not 
favorable  for  presenting  these  bills.  The  pleasure 
loving  Queen  no  longer  attended  to  the  duties 
of  a  sovereign.  The  state  treasury  was  empty, 
owing  to  her  extravagances,  and  everything  was 
in  confusion.  But  a  change  came.  Christina  sur- 
rendered her  sceptre  to  the  great  Carl  X.  Order 
was  restored  in  the  various  departments  of  the 
government,  and  the  King  found  time  to  direct  his 
attention  even  to  New  Sweden. 

In  the  autumn  (1654)  the  Orn  returned  from 
the  South  River,  bringing  Rising's  report  and 
letters.  On  October  4,  letters  from  Bockhorn  and 
Papegoja,  written  in  Gothenburg,  were  read  at  a 
meeting  of  the  commercial  college  (which  was 
still  the  legal  director  of  the  New  Sweden  Com- 
pany), and  the  colony  was  discussed  at  several 
other  sessions.  The  oral  and  written  reports  of 
Papegoja  and  Bockhorn,  presented  in  the 
autumn,  helped  to  increase  the  awakened  interest 
in  the  colony,  and  serious  efforts  to  prosecute  the 
enterprize  with  real  vigor  were  now  manifested. 
Since  most  of  the  old  members  of  the  corpo- 
ration had  not  furnished  the  full  amount  of  their 
shares,  the  officers  endeavored  to  collect  the  out- 
standing money  and  also  to  increase  the  capital — • 
that  is  to  re-organize  the  company.  The  case  was 
presented  to  the  King,  who  instructed  the  com- 
mercial college  to  remind  stockholders  that  their 


Queen  Christina. 


THE  AMERICAN   COMPANY  345 

shares  must  be  paid  in  full  and  that  they  should 
take  more  interest  in  the  company.  The  officers 
also  applied  for  a  monopoly  on  tobacco,  and 
December  23  the  King  granted  the  '^  American 
Company"  exclusive  right  to  import  tobacco,  ''as 
an  expedient  and  means  whereby  it  was  hoped 
that  Nova  Svecia  at  that  time  not  only  would  be 
preserved,  increased  and  improved,  but  also  that 
the  nation  by  this  would  find  a  better  opportunity 
and  occasion  to  become  acquainted  with  the 
American  navigation  and  trade,  and  to  use  it  for 
its  great  profit  and  prosperity".  To  make  the 
monopoly  effective  certain  fines,  increased  in  geo- 
metrical progression  for  each  offence,  were  im- 
posed on  anyone,  importing  or  selling  tobacco. 

In  the  beginning  of  1655  the  re-organization  of 
the  company  was  taken  up  in  earnest.  Daniel  Junge 
was  appointed  factor  to  fill  the  place,  which  had 
been  vacated  by  Bonnell,  and  the  bookkeeper, 
Hans  Kramer,  was  made  treasurer  to  receive  the 
funds.  Letters  were  written  to  the  heirs  of  Klas 
Fleming  and  the  Oxenstiernas  with  request  that 
they  not  only  pay  the  remainder  of  their  shares, 
but  also  ''resolve  to  increase  the  capital  stock  as 
much  as  each  house  was  able  and  the  colony  of 
New  Sweden  should  need."  New  subscribers 
were  also  invited  to  join. 

The  Swedish  African  Company,  which  was  pay- 
ing a  dividend  of  about  28%,  tended  to  divert 


346  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE  DELAWARE* 

stockholders  and  capital  from  the  New  Sweden 
Company,  where  profits  had  proved  uncertain; 
but  the  activity  of  the  commercial  college  in  behalf 
of  the  smaller  organization  was  not  in  vain.  Eric 
Oxenstierna  and  his  co-heirs  as  well  as  the  heirs 
of  Gabriel  Gustafsson  Oxenstierna  increased  their 
subscription  b}^  one-half  and  paid  or  promised 
definitely  to  pay  their  shares.  A  subscription  list 
was  drafted  for  new  members,  and  Henrick 
Huygen  and  the  city  of  Viborg  in  Finland  joined 
by  subscribing  3,000  D.  each,  while  Olof  Anderson 
Stromskold  subscribed  1,200  D.  Stromskold  was 
appointed  director  with  a  salary  of  600  D.  per 
year  (partly  because  Eric  Oxenstierna,  who  had 
been  the  soul  and  spirit  of  the  company,  was  about 
to  go  to  Prussia),  and  Hans  Kramer,  who  retained 
his  position  as  bookkeeper  and  treasurer,  was  to 
act  as  co-director.  A  new  budget  for  the  com- 
pany at  Stockholm  was  estimated  as  follows : 

One  director, 600  D. 

One  bookkeeper,   450  D. 

One  office  boy, 100  D. 

Office  rent  per  year, 60  D. 

Eight  cords  of  wood, 12  D. 

Two  lispimd  (36  lbs.)  of  candles,,  6  D. 

Three  reams  of  paper, 18  D. 

Ink  and  sealing  wax, 6  D. 

1,252  D. 

A  new  budget  was  also  made  for  the  colony,  esti- 
mated at  6,606  D.     The  reports  and  letters  of 


THE   AMERICAN   COMPANY  347 

Johan  Eising  seem  to  have  pleased  the  govern- 
ment, for  he  was  appointed  Commandant  of  Neiv 
Siveden. 

About  this  time  or  a  little  later  a  new  charter 
was  drafted,  in  several  respects  resembling  the 
one  given  to  the  Old  South  Company.*  The 
charter  (or  copy  of  the  same,  dated  May,  1655) 
as  we  have  it  is  not  signed  by  the  King,  nor 
entered  in  the  Royal  Copy  Book,  but  this  is  no 
certain  proof  that  it  was  not  issued  by  His 
Majesty,  for  royal  documents  and  letters  were  not 
always  copied  into  the  copy  book. 

II. 

Stromskold  and  Kramer  were  directed  to  draw 
up  proposals  and  make  estimates  and  inventories 
of  the  available  means  of  the  company,  which 
could  be  presented  to  the  members  of  the  college 
for  their  consideration.  It  was  also  decided  to 
appoint  a  special  factor  at  Gothenburg  to  look 
after  the  interests  of  the  company  there.  Ulrick 
Stenkamp  was  selected  for  this  position.  No 
salary  was  attached  to  his  office,  but  he  was  to 
have  '*a  reasonable  commission." 

As  early  as  January  13,  Peter  Trotzig  was  in- 
structed by  letter  to  buy  a  cargo  in  Holland  for 
about  6,000  florins  and  in  the  beginning  of  Febru- 
ary preparations  for  another  expediticn  were  be- 

(*)     See  above,  p.  43ff. 


348  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

guu  with  earuest  in  Sweden.  Tlie  letters  of  Els- 
wick  and  Rising,  which  arrived  on  February  16 
(relating  the  caj^ture  of  the  Haj),  gave  fresh  life  to 
the  activities.  Trotzig  was  directed  to  bny  a  new 
ship  or  one  not  more  than  three  years  old  "of  90 
or  100  lasts,  with  good  room,  six  or  eight  gun- 
holes  and  with  double  sails".  He  was  also  to 
hire  sailors  and  a  mate.  Trotzig  was  unable,  how- 
ever, to  find  a  new  ship  for  sale,  answering  the  re- 
quirements of  the  directors,  but  he  bought  an  old 
one  instead,  the  Mercurius,  which  "he  caused  to 
be  built  anew  entirely".  The  vessel  was  despatch- 
ed to  Gothenburg  with  a  cargo  at  the  earliest 
possible  date.  When  the  ship  came  to  port  in 
July  she  was  leaky,  however,  making  it  necessary 
to  unload  and  careen  her.  Further  inconvenience 
was  caused  by  the  skipper  who  deserted,  taking 
charge  of  a  Dutch  vessel.  The  crew  was  also 
short,  and  it  was  ver}^  difficult  to  engage  sailors; 
but  some  Danes  and  Swedes  were  finally  hired  by 
Admiral  Anckerhjelm.  About  the  middle  of 
August  the  ship  was  again  sea-worthy.  Stones 
were  taken  on  board  for  ballast,  "as  sand  was 
not  serviceable  on  such  long  voyages",  and  the 
cargo  was  hurriedly  loaded  into  the  holds.  Thus 
while  Stuyvesant  was  advancing  on  the  forts  of 
New  Sweden,  the  company  of  Old  Sweden  was 
making  strenuous  efforts  to  send  out  a  large 
expedition. 


THE  AMERICAN   COMPANY  349 

JJul  the  expedilioii  suffered  the  usual  fate.  The 
Mercurius  was  deUxyed  for  weeks.  Neither  cannon 
nor  ammunition  could  be  obtained  at  Gothenburg, 
"even  if  we  would  pay  their  weight  in  money", 
writes  Ankerhjelm,  and  various  other  supplies 
were  wanted.  It  was  therefore  necessary  to  buy 
gims,  powder  and  balls  at  Stockholm,  and  pro- 
visions and  materials  for  the  journey  at  Viistervik. 
A  new  skipper  was  hired  at  the  capital,  and  Hen- 
rick  Huygen,  a  barber  surgeon  and  several  colo- 
nists were  there,  waiting  for  passage  to  Gothen- 
burg. Finally,  towards  the  end  of  August,  they 
embarked  on  a  sloop,  which  carried  cannon  and 
supplies.  The  sloop  encountered  unfavorable 
weather  and  did  not  reach  Gothenburg  harbor 
before  October  4. 

The  colonists,  who  had  been  gathered  from 
various  parts  of  northern  Sweden,  were  also  slow 
in  arriving.  On  October  5,  Ankerhjelm  writes 
that ' '  six  families,  as  the  enclosed  list  shows,  have 
come  from  Lytestegen  (Letstigenf),  who  relate 
that  eighty  persons,  small  and  big,  will  arrive 
from  other  places."  On  October  10,  some  64 
emigrants  had  made  their  appearance,  and  a  few 
days  later  their  number  had  swelled  to  about  200. 
Kramer  warned  the  admiral,  however,  not  to 
allow  too  many  passengers  on  board  for  fear  of 
sickness,  and  advised  him  in  one  letter  after  an- 
other to  get  the  ship  ready  and  send  her  off.     One 


350  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

liuudred  and  five  persons  Avere  selected  from  the 
whole  number,  as  the  most  desirable.  "A  hmi- 
dred  persons  or  more  were  left  behind",  and  "it 
was  a  pity  and  shame  that  they  could  not  all  go 
along",  writes  Papegoja.  "Here  was  seen  such 
a  lamentation  and  weeping,  for  the  unfortunate 
ones  had  sold  all  they  possessed;  yea  they  had 
done  away  with  home  and  ground  for  half  of  the 
value,  journeyed  such  a  long  way  at  their  own 
expense,  and  are  now  compelled  to  take  up  the 
beggar's  staff,  the  one  going  here,  the  other 
there." 

The  Mercurius  had  been  riding  at  anchor  with 
her  cargo  for  two  months,  from  about  the  middle 
of  September  to  the  first  week  of  November.  The 
outlook  was  gloomy.  Alternating  westerly  and 
south-westerly  gales,  which  had  interfered  with 
the  sailing  for  a  month,  continued  to  blow.  But 
at  last  there  was  a  flicker  of  hope.  The  wind 
l)egan  to  turn,  and  the  colonists  were  reviewed 
and  ordered  to  embark.  Some  changes  were 
made,  and  the  list  was  finally  increased  to  110  (12 
of  whom  were  old  settlers),  making  130  souls  on 
the  ship  including  the  sailors.  Henrick  Huygen 
who  was  in  connnand,  returned  to  the  colony  as 
commissary,  and  a  clergyman,  the  Rev.  Matthias. 
;t!i(l  the  ])arI)or  surgeon,  Hans  Janeke,  were  among 
iJK^  passeiigei's.  Johan  Papegoja  (to  whose  care 
were    enti'usted    the   commission   of   Risina-   and 


THE   AMERICAN   COMPANY  35! 

other  documents)  went  in  the  capaxiity  of  com- 
mander of  the  people.  Johan  Classon  Rising,  a 
brother  of  Director  Rising,  was  also  on  the  ship; 
and  he  had  charge  of  some  merchandise,  which 
was  consigned  to  his  brother  in  New  Sweden. 

On  Saturday,  November  10,  the  ship  drifted 
down  to  Elfsborg,  but  on  Sunday  the  wind  re- 
versed and  continued  contrary  for  nearly  two 
weeks.  On  the  23rd  the  vessel  ''again  set  sail  be- 
fore noon  with  a  lot  of  other  ships",  but  she  was 
retarded  by  winds  and  fog  for  two  days.  On 
November  25  the  Mercuriiis  finally  left  port  for  its 
long  voyage  across  the  Atlantic.  The  journey 
was  of  nearly  four  months'  duration,  but  seems 
to  have  been  rather  free  from  casualties  and  suf- 
ferings so  common  to  former  voyages,  for  there  is 
no  mention  of  sick  people,  when  the  vessel  sailed 
up  the  Delaware  on  March  14  (24),  1656. 

III. 

The  relations  and  letters  sent  from  New  Sweden 
in  the  summer  of  1655  by  Elswick  and  Rising  were 
received  by  the  commercial  college  in  the  late 
autumn,  shortly  after  the  sailing  of  the  Me?'- 
curius.  On  November  30  the  officers  of  the  col- 
lege, ignorant  of  the  calamity  that  had  befallen 
the  colony,  and  not  knowing  that  Rising  was  ap- 
proaching the  shores  of  Europe,  wrote  a  letter  in 
answer  to  that  of  the  director.     On  the  following 


352  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

day  Clirister  Bonde,  the  Swedish  ambassador  in 
London  (to  whom  copies  of  Rising's  letters  with 
replies  to  the  same  were  sent),  was  instructed  to 
try  to  effect  some  agreement  with  the  English 
government  "in  the  disputes  about  the  limits  and 
titles  of  land  in  America,  so  that  no  confusion 
may  arise  from  it  in  the  future. ' ' 

Soon  reports  of  the  capture  of  the  colony  reach- 
ed Stockholm,  however,  and  in  the  beginning  of 
February,  as  we  have  already  seen,  Hendrick  von 
Elswick  appeared  before  the  commercial  college, 
reported  orally  and  presented  written  relations  by 
Rising  and  himself.  The  matter  received  the  im- 
mediate attention  of  the  commercial  college  and 
of  the  council  of  state,  and  Harald  Appelbom,  the 
Swedish  resident  at  the  Hague,  was  instructed  to 
protest  against  the  Dutch  occupation,  and  to  de- 
mand indemnity  as  well  as  the  restitution  of  the 
colony.  On  March  12  (22),  1656  Appelbom  pre- 
sented a  memorial  to  the  States  General,  which 
immediately  resolved  that  the  case  should  be  in- 
vestigated and  referred  to  the  Dutch  West  India 
Company. 

The  efforts,  however,  led  to  no  settlement.  Ap- 
pelbom reported  the  state  of  affairs  to  his  govern- 
ment, but  the  question  was  dropped  for  a  time. 
Sweden  was  now  engaged  in  larger  activities. 
Carl  X  was  extending  the  boundaries  of  his  king- 
dom and  sliaping  its  final  geograpliical  ioi'in.     As 


THE  AMERICAN   COMPANY  353 

soon  as  the  smoke  from  his  victorious  cannon  had 
blown  away,  however,  his  far  reaching  plans  even 
included  the  recapture  of  the  colony  on  the  Dela- 
ware. That  the  King  had  serious  intentions  of 
regaining  New  Sweden,  either  through  diplo- 
matic means  or  by  the  sword,  is  clear  from  his  re- 
marks in  the  council,  April  15, 1658,  and  especially 
by  the  privileges  given  to  the  American  Company 
about  a  month  later,  for  the  retaking  of  the  colony 
is  then  looked  upon  as  a  foregone  conclusion. 
Johan  Eising  presented  plans  for  its  recapture 
and  reasons  for  doing  so,  but  wars  with  the  neigh- 
bors, absorbed  the  energies  of  the  nation. 

In  1663  an  opportunity  for  renewing  the  claims 
presented  itself  to  the  Stockholm  government,  and 
accordingly  the  Swedish  representatives  were  in- 
structed, **in  their  conferences  with  Heinsius,  the 
resident  of  the  States  General",  to  demand  the 
restitution  of  New  Sweden  as  well  as  an  indem- 
nity. But  the  Dutch  had  no  such  intentions. 
They  strained  every  effort  to  keep  intact  what 
they  had  won,  and  were  greatly  concerned  about 
certain  preparations  in  Sweden.  Vice-Admiral 
Sjohjelm  fitted  out  two  vessels  in  1663  for  an 
expedition,  which  was  thought  to  be  destined  for 
the  Delaware.  One  of  the  ships,  however,  founder- 
ed on  her  way  from  Stockholm  to  Gothenburg  and 
the  other  vessel  did  not  go  to  the  South  Eiver  but 
to  Africa. 


354  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

In  the  beginning  of  1664  a  number  of  Finnish 
families  from  Sweden  and  probably  a  few  from 
Finland  landed  in  Holland  en  ronte  for  New 
Sweden.  They  had  made  their  way  across  Nor- 
way to  Christiania,  whence  they  were  taken  to 
Holland  on  a  Dutch  vessel,  hired  by  themselves 
they  said,  but  as  Trotzig  supposed  (and  which 
seems  most  probable)  at  the  expense  of  the  Dutch, 
interested  in  the  colony  on  the  South  River.  They 
were  fed  and  housed  by  the  city  officials  of  Am- 
sterdam and  rumors  reached  the  Swedish  repre- 
sentative that  the  emigrants  had  been  enticed  to 
migrate  by  special  agents.  These  rumors  were 
reported  to  the  Swedish  government,  which  im- 
mediately sent  letters  to  the  governors  of  the 
northern  provinces,  instructing  them  to  keep  a 
close  watch  on  Dutch  agents,  decoying  people  out 
of  the  country.  Peter  Trotzig  was  to  present  the 
matter  to  the  States  General  and  to  demand  that 
the  fugitives  should  be  returned  to  Sweden  at 
the  expense  of  those  who  had  prevailed  upon  them 
to  leave  the  country.  These  events  caused  the 
Swedish  government  to  consider  the  question  of 
regaining  the  colony  with  more  earnestness. 
Troubles  with  England  were  brewing  and  the 
States  General  treated  the  Swedish  demands  with 
much  respect,  but  there  was  no  settlement  in  sight. 
In  the  Autumn  of  166-4  further  conferences  were 
held.       It  was   decided  that  the  claims   of  the 


THE  AMERICAN   COMPANY  355 

African  Company  would  be  settled,  but  that  the 
New  Sweden  troubles  should  once  more  be  re- 
ferred to  the  Dutch  West  India  Company. 

In  the  meantime  New  Netherland  passed  into 
the  hands  of  England.  The  relations  of  Sweden 
and  England  were  cordial,  several  treaties  of 
friendship  having  been  concluded  between  them, 
and  one  of  the  articles  in  the  treaty  of  March, 
1665,  stated  ''that  perpetual  peace  should  subsist 
between  the  two  crowns,  both  at  home  and  in 
Africa  and  America".  It  could  not  be  expected, 
however,  that  England  should  turn  over  to  Swe- 
den the  territory  she  had  captured  from  the 
Dutch,  and  hence  the  Swedish  government  still 
pressed  its  claims  at  the  Hague.  In  the  autumn 
the  States  General  sought  the  friendship  of 
Sweden  in  the  war  with  England  and  sent  a 
special  envoy  to  Stockholm.  The  Swedish  claims 
in  America  were  now  presented  to  him,  but  he 
gave  evasive  answers,  declaring  that  Rising 
through  his  acts  of  hostility  was  to  blame  for  the 
capture  of  New  Sweden.  At  the  conference  be- 
tween the  Swedish  and  Dutch  envoys  in  the  spring 
of  1667,  claims  and  counter-claims  were  again  pre- 
sented. The  treaty  of  April,  1667,  contained  a 
paragraph  relating  to  the  American  Company, 
and  in  the  treaty  of  friendship  three  months  later, 
the  sixth  paragraph  stated  that  the  American 
claims  should  be  settled  according  to  justice  and 


356  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

as  soon  as  possible.  During  the  following  years 
claims  were  presented  to  England  as  well  as  to 
Holland,  and  in  June,  1672,  Ambassador  Lejon- 
berg  was  instructed  "to  try  in  a  polite  way  to  pre- 
vail upon  England  to  restore  New  Sweden.  If 
they  would  not  want  to  give  back  the  land,  then 
they  ought  to  be  requested  to  allow  Sweden  to 
bring  her  colonists  away  from  there".  The  next 
year  the  question  was  taken  up  with  Holland  and 
the  third  paragraph  of  the  commercial  treaty  be- 
tween Sweden  and  Holland  (April  22,  1673),  is 
devoted  to  the  encroachment  which  Sweden  suf- 
fered in  America.  But  it  was  all  wasted  energy. 
No  indemnity  was  ever  obtained  and  the  colony 
was  forever  lost  to  Sweden. 

IV. 

The  company  discontinued  its  preparations  to 
send  supplies  to  Rising,  when  information  was  re- 
ceived that  the  colony  had  been  captured.  But 
the  tobacco  trade,  which  had  been  of  great  im- 
portance and  proved  most  profitable,  could  still 
become  a  source  of  large  income  to  the  stock- 
holders, if  it  were  conducted  on  a  practical  and 
businesslike  basis.  In  February,  1655,  Daniel 
.Tunge,  the  factor,  now  also  the  treasurer  of  the 
company,  offered  to  pay  16,000  R.  D.  for  the  ex- 
clusive right  of  selling  tobacco  in  the  kingdom; 
but  no  agreement  was  reached,  and  the  company 


THE   AMERICAN   COMPANY  357 

retained  its  control  of  the  trade.  Importation  of 
tobacco  from  Hamburg  and  Amsterdam  continued, 
and  from  the  time  the  company  received  its  new 
privileges  (December,  1654)  until  the  end  of 
February,  1656,  15,390  lbs.  of  raw  tobacco  were 
sold.  Spinning  played  an  important  part  and 
nearly  16,000  lbs.  were  spun  by  February  of  the 
above  mentioned  year.  But  much  smuggling  was 
done  in  spite  of  repeated  efforts  to  regulate  the 
trade.  Consequently  the  business  was  not  always 
what  it  might  have  been,  and,  when  the  officers 
and  soldiers  returned  from  New  Sweden  to  de- 
mand their  pay,  the  finances  of  the  company  were 
in  a  deplorable  state. 

Several  proposals  and  plans  for  the  reorgani- 
zation of  the  company  were  presented  by  Kramer 
and  Junge,  but  they  met  with  little  support  from 
the  King  and  the  government.  By  the  end  of 
1658  the  company  had  imported  107,914  lbs.  of 
tobacco  on  which  a  liberal  profit  was  realized. 
Smuggling,  however,  increased  appallingly,  mak- 
ing it  more  difficult  than  ever  to  sell  tobacco, 
and  one  of  two  things  became  absolutely  neces- 
sary,— the  dissolution  or  the  re-organization  of 
the  company.  The  officers  accordingly  decided  to 
re-organize,  and  the  King,  at  their  suggestion, 
published  an  *' ordinance  concerning  the  impor- 
tation and  trade  of  tobacco."  One  of  the  princi- 
pal reasons  given  for  granting  the  privileges  was 


358  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE   DELAWARE 

'Hhat  the  productive  colony  in  New  Sweden  might 
be  preserved  and  maintained,  [which  will  become] 
of  great  benefit  to  us,  our  kingdom  and  subjects, 
as  well  on  account  of  the  navigation,  as  on  account 
of  trade  and  commerce  and  the  accompanying 
profit  and  advantage."  The  entire  tobacco  trade 
of  the  nation  was  now  conducted  by  the  company 
and  the  traffic  was  extended  to  almost  every  city, 
village,  and  hamlet  in  the  kingdom  and  to  the  prin- 
cipal centers  in  Finland  and  the  other  provinces. 
In  consequence  the  business  attained  tremendous 
proportions.  The  searchers  and  inspectors,  who 
were  appointed  to  guard  the  rights  of  the  com- 
pany and  to  ''inspect  the  tobacco  trade",  pre- 
vented smuggling  or  secret  sales  in  any  consider- 
able degree,  although  the  many  fines,  collected 
from  ''revenue-cutters",  prove  that  illegal  im- 
portation was  by  no  means  stamped  out. 

Complaints,  however,  were  soon  made  against 
the  company  and  its  methods.  As  a  consequence 
its  privileges  were  withdrawn  in  the  autumn  of 
1660,  and  two  years  later  it  was  dissolved.  But 
the  company  (often  confused  with  the  African 
Company)  and  its  directors  figured  In  claims  and 
lawsuits  as  late  as  1736. 


CHAPTER  X. 

The  First  Period  of  the  Swedish  Settlements 

Under  Dutch  Rule  and  the  Coming  of 

THE  Mercurius,  1655-1656. 

When  the  articles  of  surrender  had  been  ac- 
cepted, and  Rising  with  his  men  was  about  to 
leave  the  country  in  October,  1655,  Stuyvesant 
made  provisions  for  a  temporary  form  of  govern- 
ment. The  seat  of  power  was  transferred  from 
Christina  to  Fort  Casimir,  and  Captain  Dirck 
Smith  was  appointed  commander,  until  other  ar- 
rangements could  be  made,  an  instruction  doubt- 
less being  given  him. 

In  the  meantime  the  Swedes  who  remained  in 
the  country  made  the  best  of  their  situations,  re- 
paired the  damage  caused  by  the  invasion  as  far 
as  they  could,  and  settled  down  to  their  former 
peaceful  occupations. 

Of  Smith's  rule  we  know  very  little.  He  order- 
ed lands  to  be  sown  and  cultivated,  and  he  made 
other  provisions  for  the  welfare  of  the  settlement ; 
but  he  was  summoned  to  appear  before  the  council 
at  New  Amsterdam  for  ''grave  reasons",  which 
indicates  that  complaints  were  made  against  him, 
and  he  seems  to  have  done  nothing  for  the  im- 
provement of  the  forts. 

359 


360  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

In  November  Jeal  Paul  Jacquet  was  made  vice- 
director,  with  ''supreme  command  and  authority", 
and  he  should  govern  the  colony  with  a  council 
under  the  guidance  of  Peter  Stuyvesant.  In  his 
instruction  (issued  at  New  Amsterdam)  he  was 
charged  to  enforce  the  observance  of  the  Sabbath, 
the  regulations  concerning  the  sale  of  liquor  to 
the  Indians,  and  to  keep  peace  and  order  among 
the  people.  He  should  require  the  soldiers  and 
officers  to  remain  in  the  fort  over  night,  debarring 
all  freemen  from  the  same,  especially  the  Swedes ; 
he  was  to  allow  no  vessels  to  pass  above  the  strong- 
hold, which  he  was  to  keep  "in  a  becoming  state 
of  defense";  he  should  take  care  in  distributing 
lands  that  "at  least  16  or  20  persons  or  families" 
were  placed  together,  so  as  to  form  villages,  and, 
in  order  to  prevent  an  immoderate  desire  for  land, 
he  ' '  should  impose  a  tax  of  12  stivers  annually  for 
each  morgen  (acre)  ";  he  was  to  lay  out  a  town  on 
the  south  side  of  Fort  Casimir,  where  lots  were  to 
be  assigned;  and  he  was  to  provide  for  the  ex- 
penses of  the  government  by  imposing  excises  on 
goods  sold  by  the  tavern-keepers  as  follows : 

For  a  hogshead  of  French  or  Rhenish  wine, fl.  20 

For  an  anker  of  the  same  wine, tl.     4 

For  an  anker  of  brandy,  Spanish  wine  or  distilled 

water,    fl.     7 

For  a  barrel  of  imported  beer, fl.     6 

For  a  barrel  of  New  Netherland  beer, , fl.     4 


FIRST   PERIOD   UNDER   DUTCH   RULE  361 

Finally  he  should  "look  well  after  the  Swedes," 
and  he  was  to  try  to  remove  such  as  were  *'not 
friendly  disposed  to  the  Honorable  Company"  by 
sending  them  to  New  Amsterdam,  if  possible. 

On  December  8  (18),  Jacquet  took  the  oath  of 
office  before  Peter  Stuyvesant,  and  ten  days  later 
he  assumed  the  Vice-Directorship  in  Fort  Casimir. 
Certain  articles  in  Jacquet 's  instruction,  if  forced, 
would  have  interfered  with  the  rights  of  the  old 
settlers ;  but  caution  was  exercised,  and  "the  letter 
of  the  law"  was  never  followed. 

Allerton,  and  probably  other  traders,  visited  the 
river  in  the  autumn,  winter  and  spring;  and  sev- 
eral Jews,  "who  had  put  goods  on  board  a  ship 
for  the  South  Eiver",  requested  permission  to 
trade  there;  a  right  which  was  condifionallij 
granted  them.  The  Swedish  barks  and  yachts 
surrendered  by  Rising  were  used  on  trading  ex- 
peditions, but  the  Eindraelif*  stranded  at  Sandy 
Hook  in  January,  1656.  The  council  at  New 
Amsterdam  authorized  Jan  Teunissen,  the  car- 
penter, to  save  the  vessel,  promising  him  200 
florins  if  successful. 

A  law  court  was  established  by  Jacquet  shortly 
after  his  arrival,  at  which  several  settlers  pre- 
sented their  grievances,  while  others  were  sum- 
moned to  appear  in  suits.  In  January,  1656, 
some  Swedish  freemen  living  near  Fort  Casimir 


(*)     Perhaps  the  same  as  the  Swedish  Endriikt  (harmony). 


3^2  TH£  swedes  on   the  DELAWARE^ 

appeared  before  Jacqiiet  aud  his  council,  and  re- 
quested permission  to  remain  on  their  lands  until 
the  expiration  of  one  year  and  a  half,  agreeable 
to  the  capitulation,  as  they  had  not  then  any  in- 
clination to  change  their  place  of  abode  nor  to 
build  in  the  new  town.  Their  petition  was  granted, 
and  they  remained  undisturbed  on  their  home- 
steads. 

About  March  13  the  ship  Mercimus  arrived,  as 
we  have  seen.  Henrick  Huygen  and  Johan 
Papegoja  went  ashore,  presented  themselves  to 
the  commander  at  Fort  Casimir,  and  reported 
their  instructions  and  intentions,  requesting  per- 
mission to  land  the  people  somewhere  in  the  river, 
until  further  orders  were  received  from  Sweden. 
This  was  denied  them,  and  Huygen  was  arrested 
as  an  enemy  of  the  state.  Johan  Papegoja  ap- 
pealed to  Stuyvesant  in  a  letter,  dated  March  14 
(24),  informing  the  latter  of  the  arrival  of  the 
ship  and  requesting  permission  to  revictual  and 
return  unmolested  to  Europe,  also  remonstrating 
against  the  treatment  accoi'ded  Huygen.  Vice- 
Director  Jacquet  likewise  made  a  report  to  his 
superior  at  New  Amsterdam. 

The  letters,  which  were  ''brought  to  Manhattan 
by  Allerton's  ketch,"  arrived  there  in  the  night 
of  March  18-19  (28-29),  it  seems,  and  a  meeting  of 
the  council  was  immediately  called.  The  council 
concluded  to   deny  the   Swedes   the  privilege  of 


First  period  under  dutch  rule  36;^ 

landing,  but  they  should  bo  free  to  return  un- 
molested, and  they  were  allowed  to  provide  them- 
selves with  necessary  provisions  for  their  home- 
ward journey.  A  pass  was  issued  for  the  ship, 
granting  her  an  unhampered  passage  to  New 
Amsterdam,  where  necessary  supplies  could  be 
obtained.  It  was  decided  to  send  several  soldiers 
to  the  South  River  to  prevent  an  uprising  of  the 
Swedes,  and  such  who  had  not  hitherto  taken  an 
oath  of  allegiance,  should  now  be  compelled  to  do 
so.  Those  **who  refused  or  contravened  against 
it ' '  should  be  sent  away  * '  by  every  opportunity. ' ' 
Jacob  Svensson  and  Sven  Skute  were  especially 
designated  as  ^  *  undesirable  citizens",  and  re- 
garded with  suspicion  since  it  was  said  that  they 
held  "secret  conferences"  with  the  Indians,  "who 
often  came  to  the  homes  of  the  Swedes  and  were, 
as  usual,  well  received." 

When  these  instructions  arrived  in  Fort  Casi- 
mir,  Huygen  determined  to  present  his  case  at 
New  Amsterdam  in  person.  He  went  overland, 
arriving  at  the  Dutch  fort  about  April  1  (11),  and 
delivered  a  written  remonstrance  to  the  Dutch 
council.  The  council  replied  that  his  requests 
could  not  be  granted,  repeating  their  former 
promises  of  an  unmolested  return  voyage,  and 
stated  that,  if  the  Swedes  persisted  in  their  de- 
signs and  would  not  leave  the  river,  force  would 
be  used  to  expel  them.     To  show  that  they  were 


364  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

in  earnest  the  warsliip  Waag  was  ordered  to  pro- 
ceed to  the  Delaware  with  the  first  favorable  wind. 
Finding  that  he  could  accomplish  nothing,  Huygen 
accepted  the  proposals,  making  it  unnecessary  for 
De  Waag  to  sail.  The  outcome  was  reported  to 
Papegoja,  and  the  Mercurius  was  soon  expected 
to  arrive  at  New  Amsterdam.  But  over  two  weeks 
passed  and  no  ship  was  heard  of.  Rumors  were 
circulated  that  difficulties  had  arisen  on  the  South 
River,  and  on  April  18  (28)  it  was  decided  at  a 
hurried  meeting  of  the  council  to  send  Ensign 
Smith  overland  with  twelve  to  sixteen  soldiers  to 
ascertain  the  state  of  affairs  there.  When  Smith 
arrived  there,  however,  the  immigrants  had  dis- 
embarked and  the  ship  had  been  unloaded. 

Papegoja  gives  the  following  description  of 
these  events  in  his  letter  of  July  30  (August  9), 
1056.  In  accordance  with  Stuyvesant's  orders 
"we  decided  to  set  sail  for  Manhattan.  But  as 
soon  as  the  savages  or  Indians  observed  this,  they 
speedily  collected  in  great  numbers,  came  down  to 
us  and  reminded  us  of  the  former  friendship  and 
love  which  they  had  had  for  us  Swedes,  above  all 
other  nations,  and  said  that  they  would  destroy 
and  exterminate  both  Swedes  and  Hollanders,  un- 
less we  remained  with  them  and  traded  as  in  the 
]inst.  Then  all  our  Swedes,  who  feared  the  sav- 
ages, came  to  us  also  and  protested  strongly 
against  us  in  writing,  saying  that  we  would  be  the 


FIRST   PERIOD  UNDER   DUTCH   RULE  365 

cause  of  their  destruction  if  we  departed  ...  " 
Papegoja  was  therefore  in  a  quandary,  but,  seeing 
the  danger  of  refusing  the  request  of  the  angry 
savages,  he  commanded  the  skipper  to  head  up 
stream.  (It  has  also  been  said  that  a  large 
number  of  Indians  and  some  old  Swedish  colonists 
went  on  board  the  vessel.)  Papegoja  then  gave 
the  Swedish  salute  (which  was  answered  by  one 
discharge  from  the  fort),  and  sailed  up  to  New 
Gothenborg,*  where  the  people  were  put  ashore. 

Letters  were  thereupon  written  to  Huygen,  in- 
forming him  of  the  occurrences.  Jacquet  wrote 
to  the  Dutch  governor  also,  at  the  same  time  send- 
ing Hudde  to  make  an  oral  report.  Hudde  ar- 
rived at  Manhattan  on  April  21  (May  1).  The 
same  day  the  council  read  and  re-read  the  letters 
and  declarations,  and  resolved  to  dispatch  the 
Waag  with  troops  for  the  place  of  disturbance  in 
order  to  bring  the  Mercurius  from  there  and  settle 
the  difficulty  with  the  natives.  Huygen  as  well  as 
Papegoja  were  exonerated,  and  the  former  was 
permitted  to  return  on  the  Waag  to  his  ship,  after 
he  had  given  bond  of  good  behavior  and  promised 
to  settle  the  differences  between  the  savages  and 
the  Christians.  The  councillors  De  Sille  and  Van 
Tienhoven  were  commissioned  to  investigate  the 
matter. 

(*)  Papegoja  met  his  wife  there  and  probably  remained  in 
Printz  Hall  during  his  stay  in  the  country. 


366  THE  SWEDES   ON    THE  DELAWARE 

The  Waug  set  sail  as  soon  as  the  wind  per- 
mitted, bnt  in  the  South  River  she  ran  on  a  sand- 
bank. When  the  commander  observed,  says 
Papegoja,  that  the  Swedes  showed  no  hostile  in- 
tentions, he  requested  them  to  aid  in  floating  the 
Waag  as  well  as  in  pacifying  the  savages.  The 
Mercurius  was  therefore  ordered  down  the  river 
to  the  assistance  of  the  Waag;  but  when  she  ar- 
rived in  the  bay  the  Dutch  vessel  was  afloat.  Some 
merchandise  was  then  brought  on  board  of  the 
latter  ship  and  presented  to  the  savages  in  the 
name  of  the  Dutch,  and  thus  peace  was  restored. 

In  the  late  spring  the  Mercurius  was  brought  to 
New  Amsterdam,  where  the  cargo  was  sold  in 
July,  after  a  certain  import  duty  had  been  paid. 
Papegoja  desired  to  return  with  the  ship,  but 
differences  arose  between  him  and  Huygen,  and 
the  former  departed  from  Europe  on  a  Dutch  ves- 
sel on  June  13  (23),  arriving  in  Amsterdam  about 
the  beginning  of  August.  Having  been  loaded 
with  a  return  cargo  the  Mercurius  set  sail  for 
Europe  some  time  during  the  summer;  but 
Huygen  remained  in  the  colony,  and  we  find  him 
variously  employed  for  a  number  of  years  in  the 
service  of  the  Dutch.  It  seems  that  the  great  ma- 
jority of  the  newcomers  also  settled  in  the  colony. 
They  were  given  land,  and  gradually  built  homes 
and  cleared  new  fields. 


CHAPTER  XL 

The  Last  Period  of  the  Swedish  Settlements 
Under  the  Dutch,  1656-1664. 

As  the  Swedes  and  the  Finns  gave  no  trouble, 
Fort  Christina  was  allowed  to  decay,  and  Pape- 
goja  says  that  it  "was  robbed  of  gates,  windows 
and  chimneys."  Elias  Gyllengren,  Sven  Skute 
and  Gregorius  van  Dyck  (who  remained)  natur- 
ally became  the  leaders  of  their  countrymen. 
They  were  farmers  like  the  rest,  and  seem  to  have 
prospered.  Disturbances  of  a  milder  kind  arose 
from  time  to  time,  and  sometimes  murders  and 
graver  misdemeanors  were  committed  ("the 
sister  of  Elias  Gyllengren 's  wife"  being  shot  in 
the  autumn  of  1656).  Madam  Papegoja  remained 
at  New  Gothenborg,  and  also  retained  Printztorp 
by  consent  of  the  Dutch ;  but  she  experienced  some 
difficulty  in  finding  people,  willing  to  cultivate  her 
land  on  the  terms  she  offered.  The  grants  of 
many  of  the  other  Swedes,  some  of  whom  had 
"deeds  from  Queen  Christina,"*  were  confirmed 
by  the  New  Amsterdam  authorities.     The  Dutch 

(*)  As  for  instance  Gyllengren  (through  Amundsson)  and 
Sven  Skute. 

367 


368  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

achieved  various  improvements,  which  bettered 
the  condition  of  "their  subjects";  they  caused 
bricks  to  be  made,  roads  to  be  improved,  bridges 
to  be  built,  fences  to  be  constructed,  overseers  and 
tobacco  inspectors  to  be  appointed,  etc. 

In  the  summer  of  1656  the  Dutch  West  India 
Company,  for  financial  reasons,  was  compelled  to 
surrender  part  of  the  South  Eiver  to  the  City  of 
Amsterdam.*  The  seat  of  government  of  the 
city's  colony  was  to  be  Fort  Casimir,  the  name  of 
which  was  changed  to  New  Anistel,t  while  Chris- 
tina (changed  to  Altena)  was  to  be  the  center  of 
power  for  the  company's  colony,  and  Stuyvesant 
was  ordered  to  garrison  the  latter  place  as  well  as 
Fort  New  Gothenborg  with  eight  or  ten  soldiers. 

Jacob  Alrichs  was  appointed  director  of  New 
Amstel  and  the  Amsterdam  colony  in  December; 
but,  being  delayed  by  a  shipwreck  and  other  mis- 
fortunes, he  did  not  reach  his  destination  before 
the  spring  of  1657.  A  considerable  number  of 
colonists  arrived  with  him. 

In  the  meantime  complaints  had  been  made 
against  Jacquet,  who  was  removed  from  office,  and 
put   under   arrest,    leaving   the   place    open   for 

(*)  The  States  General  ratified  the  transfer  in  August  and 
arrangements  for  the  organization  of  the  city's  colony  were 
soon  thereafter  made.  The  company  retained  the  land  above 
Ft.  Christina  along  the  Delaware.  It  has  been  stated  by  some 
that  the  "city's  colony"  was  above  Ft.  Christina.  Ferris, 
p.  106,  etc. 

(f)     Nieuer-Amstel  after  one  of  the  suburbs  of  Amsterdam. 


LAST   PERIOD  UNDER   DUTCH    RULE  369 

Alriclis.  With  the  latter 's  arrival  Fort  Christina 
was  restored  to  a  state  of  defense,  as  the  Swedes 
were  still  mistrusted,  and  the  new  director  was 
commanded  to  watch  them  closely. 

In  the  spring  of  1658  Governor  Stuyvesant 
went  in  person  to  arrange  matters  at  the  Dela- 
ware. The  Swedes  were  required  to  swear  a  new 
oath  of  allegiance,  but  at  their  request  they  were 
exempt  from  taking  sides,  if  trouble  should  arise 
between  their  respective  nations  in  Europe. 
Under  the  supervision  of  certain  officers,  the  coun- 
try was  divided  into  court  jurisdictions.  They 
were  given  a  sort  of  self-government  with  head- 
quarters at  Tinicmn  Island,  and  Sven  Skute  was 
elected  captain;  Anders  Dalbo,  lieutenant;  Jacob 
Svensson,  ensign;  Gregorius  van  Dyck,  sheriff; 
and  Olof  Stille,  Matts  Hansson,  Peter  Rambo  and 
Peter  Cock  magistrates.  On  May  8,  (1658)  these 
officers  appeared  before  Stuyvesant  with  a  peti- 
tion for  certain  privileges.  They  requested  in- 
structions for  their  guidance,  and  they  desired  a 
court  messenger;  they  asked  for  free  access  to 
Fort  Altena,  so  that  they  could  get  assistance  in 
case  of  necessity,  and  they  petitioned  that  nobody 
should  be  allowed  to  leave  the  colony  without  the 
knowledge  of  the  magistrates. 

The  Swedes  and  Finns  gradually  gained  the  con- 
fidence of  the  Dutch  authorities  and  performed 
many  valuable  services  for  them  as  interpreters 


370  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE  DELAWARE 

and  guides.  They  cut  masts  and  other  timber  and 
furnished  bricks  for  buildings ;  and  by  their  thrift 
were  able  to  supply  much  of  the  provisions  for  the 
soldiers. 

The  crops  were  poor  in  1658,  due  to  an  over- 
abundance of  rain,  butter,  cheese  and  salt  were 
scarce ;  and  sickness  was  general.  The  total  num- 
ber of  inhabitants  was  now  about  600  souls,  but  it 
is  not  possible  to  say  how  many  of  these  were 
Swedes  and  Finns.  The  cattle  and  horses  belong- 
ing to  the  Dutch  West  India  Company  were  given 
out  for  half  of  the  increase  to  settlers,  a  custom 
employed  by  Eising  as  we  have  seen,  but  com- 
plaints were  made  that  the  horses  were  ill-treated. 

On  July  20  (30),  1658,  Willem  Beeckman  was 
appointed  commissary  and  vice-director  for  the 
West  India  Company  at  Fort  Altena  with  high- 
est authority  over  the  company's  officers,  '^ except 
in  the  district  ...  of  New  Amstel,"  and  his 
instruction  in  eight  articles  was  given  to  him  on 
October  18  (28).  He  was  to  have  special  over- 
sight and  supervision  of  the  Swedes ;  he  was  to  be 
the  custom  officer  and  the  auditor  in  the  country, 
and  obliged  to  be  present  at  New  Amstel,  when 
ships  arrived  there  or  whenever  his  duties  so  re- 
quired. 

Beeckman  proposed  a  tax  on  the  Swedes  and 
Finns  to  the  amount  of  400  guilders  a  year,  thus 
providing  for  the  current  expenses,  and  the  direc- 


LAST   PERIOD  UNDER  DUTCH    RULE  371 

tors  of  the  Dutch  West  India  Company  disap- 
proved of  giving  them  officers  of  their  own. 
Stuyvesant,  however,  replied  to  their  orders  for 
discharging  these  officers  and  appointing  Hollan- 
ders in  their  stead,  that  he  thought  the  hearts  of 
the  Swedes  could  best  be  won  by  methods  of 
lenient  government.  They  were  also  called  upon 
to  do  military  duty,  but  objected  strongly,  and  the 
Dutch  had  no  power  to  force  them,  while  Beeck- 
nian  reported  that  in  an  emergency  "they  would 
be  more  cumbersome  than  useful."  Troubles 
arose  with  the  English  as  well  as  the  savages, 
keeping  the  Dutch  in  constant  alarm,  who,  as  a 
consequence  were  forced  to  treat  "their  foreign 
subjects"  with  more  respect  and  consideration 
than  would  otherwise  have  been  the  case. 

Attempts  were  made  from  time  to  time  to  settle 
them  in  villages,  so  as  to  simplify  the  jurisdiction 
over  them ;  and  in  the  spring  of  16G0  the  fiscal,  De 
Sille,  was  instructed  to  engage  some  of  them  as 
soldiers,  or  to  persuade  them  to  settle  near  New 
Amsterdam  as  freemen,  asking,  "with  all  imagin- 
able and  kindly  persuasive  reasons,"  the  "help 
and  intercessions"  of  the  Swedish  sheriff  and 
commissaries.  But  the  Swedes  were  opposed  to 
removal,  and  De  Sille  was  unsuccessful  in  his 
mission. 

Jacob  Alrichs  died  December  20  (30),  1G59,  and 
Alexander     d'Hinoyossa     was     made    provisory 


372  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

director  in  his  stead.  The  Swedes  and  Finns  who 
could  bear  arms  now  numbered  about  130,  accord- 
ing to  the  report  of  Van  Dyck.  Disputes  as  to 
the  distribution  of  land  arose  among  them  about 
this  time,  perhaps  largely  occasioned  by  the  fact 
that  many  of  the  Finns  understood  neither  Swed- 
ish nor  Dutch,  making  business  transactions  diffi- 
cult. In  the  spring  of  1660  some  twenty  Swedish 
and  Finnish  families  desired  to  remove  to  the 
neighborhood  of  New  Amstel,  but  it  appears  that 
they  were  forbidden  to  do  so.  Later,  however, 
D'Hinoyossa  invited  others  to  settle  there. 

The  Swedes  and  Finns  contrived  throughout 
this  period  of  trade  with  the  savages,  but  they 
were  somewhat  restricted  in  their  freedom  by 
D'Hinoyossa,  giving  rise  to  complaints  and  dis- 
satisfactions. They  were  particularly  successful 
farmers,  and  many  of  them  attained  prosperity. 
Hence  they  were  very  desirable  colonists,  and 
when  requests  for  additional  agriculturists  were 
sent  to  Amsterdam,  the  comment  was  appended, 
''not  Hollanders,  however,  but  other  nations  and 
especially  Finns  and  Swedes,  who  are  good  far- 
mers." A  grist  mill  was  built  by  Johan  Stalkofta 
(Stalcop),  L.  Petersson  and  Hans  Block  in  the 
summer  of  1662  at  the  Falls  of  Turtle  Kill,  and 
the  old  mill  erected  by  Printz  was  kept  in  repair. 

In   the   autumn   of   1663   the   entire   Delaware 


LAST    PERIOD   UNDER   DUTCH   RULE  373 

population*  had  erected  about  110  good  boweries, 
stocked  with  some  200  cows  aud  oxen,  20  horses, 
80  sheep  and  several  thousand  swine.  Some  of 
the  Swedes  as  we  have  seen,  wrote  to  relatives  and 
friends  in  the  old  country,  praising  the  land  and 
inviting  them  over,  and  the  Dutch  authorities  en- 
couraged such  migrations,  often  with  good  results. 
About  thirty  Swedes  arrived  with  the  skipper, 
Peter  Lukassen  in  the  summer  of  1663,  and  thirty- 
two  or  more  Finns  and  probably  some  Swedes 
came  with  Alexander  d'Hinoyossa  in  December. 

The  settlers  were  peaceful,  as  a  rule,  also  dur- 
ing this  period.  A  few  minor  disturbances  arose, 
however,  and  Evert  Hindricksson,  the  Finn,  was 
accused  of  maltreating  Joran  Kyn,  and  other 
grave  complaints  were  made  against  him.  He 
was  brought  into  court,  tried  and  banished  from 
the  colony  as  a  dangerous  character.  Peter 
Meyer  was  also  accused  of  disturbance  and  as- 
saults, and  several  other  cases  of  like  nature  were 
taken  into  court.  The  Swedes  and  Finns  con- 
tinued to  have  their  own  officers  and  a  few  were 
even  employed  in  the  forts.  Timon  Stidden,  who 
remained  in  the  country,  continued  to  act  as 
barber-surgeon,  and  he  treated  the  ill  and 
wounded  as  far  as  he  was  able.  Witchcraft  also 
played  its  part,  and  Margareta  Matsson  was  said 
to  be  a  witch,  as  Henry  Drystreet  was  told  about 

(*)     Swedes,  Finns,  Dutch  and  a  few  Germans  and  Danes. 


374  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE* 

this  time.  The  fish  in  the  river  continued  to  be 
plentiful,  and  the  settlers  obtained  some  pro- 
visions from  this  source  as  well  as  from  hunting. 
Many  deserted  the  colony  on  account  of  debts  or 
for  other  reasons  and  a  number  went  to  settle 
among  the  English  in  Maryland;*  but  a  few  re- 
turned from  time  to  time. 

Little  is  known  about  the  religious  history  of 
the  Swedes  at  this  time.  According  to  the  articles 
of  surrender  they  were  allowed  to  retain  a  minis- 
ter of  the  Gospel  of  their  own  confession  and  were 
to  be  undisturbed  in  their  services,  a  concession 
which  was  later  regretted  by  some  of  the  Dutch. 
Rev.  Lars  Lock  remained  among  them,  and  he 
seems  to  have  conducted  regular  services  in  the 
church  at  Tinicum.  He  was  given  a  salary  by  the 
Swedish  commissaries,  probably  raised  by  volun- 
tary collections.  He  had  more  than  his  share  of 
troubles,  and  in  1661  his  wife  eloped  with  another 
man,  causing  inconvenience  and  law  suits.  Having 
obtained  a  divorce,  he  married  again,  but  the 
marriage  was  declared  null  and  void  by  the  Dutch 
authorities,  because  he  performed  the  ceremony 
himself.  Later  he  was  fined  50  florins  for  marry- 
ing a  young  couple  without  proclamation  in  the 
church  and  against  the  will  of  the  parents.  He 
as  well  as  Olof  Stille  objected  to  the  interference 

(♦)  For  a  list  of  these  see  the  author's  Swedish  Settle- 
ments, II.  667-68. 


LAST   PERIOD  UNDER  DUTCH   RULE  375 

of  the  Dutch  court,  saying  that  the  consistory  of 
Sweden  alone  had  jurisdiction  over  the  case.  At 
another  time  he  was  '^fearfully  beaten  and 
marked  in  his  face"  by  Peter  Meyer,  who  was 
summoned  to  appear  in  court,  but  the  affair  was 
settled  between  the  parties  privately.  Acrelius 
asserts  that  a  priest  by  the  name  of  Matthias  came 
out  here  on  the  ship  Mercurius,  but  he  returned 
to  Sweden  with  the  vessel,  according  to  the  same 
authority.  The  many  Lutherans  residing  at  New 
Amstel  engaged  a  young  man  by  the  name  of 
Abelius  Zetskorn  or  Setskorn  to  serve  them.  The 
Swedish  commissaries  at  Tinicum  desired  him  to 
preach  in  their  church,  but  Rev.  Lock  objected 
"  to  it  with  all  his  influence. ' '  Setskorn  preached 
there  on  the  second  day  of  Pentecost,  however, 
and  received  a  call  as  schoolmaster  with  the  same 
salary  as  the  preacher  enjoyed;  but  the  people 
''of  New  Amstel  would  not  let  him  go,"*  and  Rev. 
Lock  remained  the  only  Lutheran  preacher  north 
of  New  Amstel.  The  population,  however,  was 
now  too  large  for  one  pastor  and  the  language 
question  complicated  matters.  Many  of  the  Finns 
could  not  understand  the  Swedish  language  dur- 
ing the  first  years,  and  these  were  without  re- 
ligious instruction.     As  time  went  on,  however, 

(*)  There  is  no  direct  evidence  that  the  Swedes  tried  to  get 
rid  of  Lock  as  is  stated  by  Norberg,  p.  6;  Smith,  Hist,  of  Del. 
Co.,  p.  90. 


376  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE   DELAWARE 

Swedish  became  predominant,  the  Finns  and 
Dutch  gradually  acquiring  it. 

In  the  autumn  of  1663  the  entire  Delaware  dis- 
trict was  transferred  to  the  city  of  Amsterdam, 
and  D'Hinoyossa  was  made  commander.  The 
Swedes  and  Finns  were  absolved  from  their 
former  oaths  and  required  to  swear  new  alle- 
giance. This  they  refused  to  do,  unless  they  were 
granted  ' '  the  same  privileges  in  trading  and  other 
matters  as  they  had  had  under  the  government  of 
the  Honorable  Company,"  being  inclined  rather 
to  remove  than  to  submit  to  the  conditions  offered 
them. 

The  customs  and  manners  remained  the  same 
as  in  the  former  period,  the  bath-house,  the  Fin- 
nish and  Swedish  log-cabins,  the  splinter-sticks, 
and  all  other  utensils  and  implements  we  have 
learned  to  know  in  previous  chapters,  continued  to 
be  used.  The  domestic  animals  had  greatly  in- 
creased, the  fields  were  comparatively  numerous 
and  in  many  cases  large,  and  the  settlement  had 
acquired  a  certain  stability  and  form.  The  colony 
had  not  been  a  financial  success  from  the  Dutch 
point  of  view,  however.  Thousands  of  florins 
were  borrowed  and  expended,  and  thousands  more 
were  needed. 

In  1664  rumors  of  a  Swedish  attempt  at  re- 
capturing the  river  were  afloat  in  Holland,  as  we 
have  seen,  causing  some  uneasiness,  until  it  was 


LAST   PERIOD  UNDER  DUTCH   RULE  377 

reported  that  the  expedition  had  been  wrecked. 
A  large  number  of  Finns  had  been  ''enticed"  to 
migrate  to  the  colony  in  the  spring,  and  other 
measures  were  taken  to  build  up  the  settlement. 
But  Dutch  rule,  except  for  a  short  interval,  was 
drawing  to  a  close  on  the  Delaware  and  in 
America.  The  English  forces,  sailing  up  the 
Hudson  in  the  autumn,  compelled  Stuyvesant  to 
surrender  on  September  3.  On  the  same  day  Sir 
Robert  Carre  was  commissioned  to  proceed  to  the 
Delaware  for  the  purpose  of  bringing  that  colony 
under  the  power  and  authority  of  the  English 
crown.  Carre  arrived  in  the  river  on  September 
30  and  on  October  1  (11),  the  articles  of  capitu- 
lation were  signed.  The  inhabitants  were  to  be 
protected  in  their  estates  under  the  authority  of 
the  English  King;  the  old  magistrates  were  to 
continue  in  their  jurisdiction  as  formerly,  and 
"the  sheriff  and  other  inferior"  officers  should 
remain  in  power  for  six  months,  until  other  steps 
could  be  taken;  all  the  people  were  to  enjoy  re- 
ligious liberty  and  be  free  "as  any  Englishman" 
upon  the  taking  "of  the  oath,"  and  any  one  was 
allowed  to  depart  from  the  settlement  within  six 
months  after  the  date  of  the  articles.  We  are  now 
at  the  beginning  of  a  new  era  and  the  following 
years  belong  to  another  treatise. 


INDEX. 

Names  of  ships  are  printed  in  italios.  The  letters  k,  a,  o 
and  ii  are  treated  like  a,  o  and  u  and  follow  the  English  order. 

For  a  detailed  index  and  full  bibliography  see  the  author's 
"The  Swedish  Settlements,"  II,  767ff,  815ff 

A 

Acrelius, 242 

Africa,    21,    23,    47,    6^ 

African    Company,    Swedish,     34J 

Agriculture,   182ff,  190fif,  200ff,  299ff 

Aldrichs,  J.,    371 

Allerton,   I.,    208ff,    301 

Altmark,    l^i 

America,    47,    53,    68,   252 

Amundsson,   H., 156,    164ff,    252ff,    267ff 

Amsterdam,    68,    77,    etc. 

Anckerhjelm,    268ff,    348 

Animals,  domestic, 121,  129,  191ff,  193,  220ff,  372 

Antigua,    145,    157 

Appelbom,  H.,   352ff 

Artenzen,     149 

Asia,     5^ 

Atlantic,    36 

Austria,     1^ 

Aquilera,    Gov.    de,    2703 

Azores,     269flf 

B 

Barbadoes, 233,  309,  etc. 

Barben,  J.,    '^^ 

Barns,    193,    etc. 

Beaver "1^ 

379 


380  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

Beeckman,    370flf 

Beier,   J.,    40,    92,    143 

Bergkvarna,    41 

Berkeley,     131 

Bern,     337 

Bernhard,  Duke,    63 

Beversreede    (Fort),    229ff 

Bicker,    265ff,    274ff 

Black    Minquas,    115,    etc. 

Blockhouses,   223 

Blommaert,  S.,   69,  71ff 

Bockhorn, 156,  250ff 

Bogaert,  J.  van,   93ff,  125,  133 

Boender,    164 

Boije,  C, 143,  180 

Bonde,  C, 21,  335 

Bonnell,  B., 41,  57,  90,  100,  173 

Bontekoe,     310 

Boston,     301 

Boyer,  A.,   222ff,  275ff 

Brahe,    31,   205,   232 

Bricks,   213ff,  etc. 

Bromsebro,    17 

Bruggen,  P.  van,  118 

Bureus,     29 

c 

Calais,     259 

Campanius,   J.,    143fif,    227ff 

Canaan,    242 

Canaries,    47,    262,    302 

Caribbees,    79,    14711,   262 

Carl  IX.,    11 

Carl    X.,     18,    352 

Carre,  R., 377 

Casimir,    236ff,    274flf,    319 


38i 


Charitas 9Sff 

Charter   of   ISouth   Co.,    54ff 

Chesapeake,    283 

Christian  II.,    49 

Christian   IV.,    14,    16 

Christina   (Queen),   15,  17,  18n.,  20,  etc, 

Christina   (Fort),   SSff,  98ff,  llOff,  148,  175ff,  179ff 

Christina  (Island), 79 

Christina  Kill,   298,  etc. 

Ghristinehamn,   291 

Christopher,  the  Eev., 134 

Churches,  , 134ff,  213 

Clausen,  A., , 1632 

Clausen,  J., 163flE 

Clemet,   ^ 241 

Clerk,  J.,    , 209flf 

Cock, 187 

Coeninck,  F.  de, , 309ff 

College  of  the  Exchequer, 23 

College   of   Mines,    23 

College  of  War, 23 

Cominiua    (Komensky), 31 

Commercial  College, 24,  169,  etc. 

Companies,     49ff 

Copenhagen,  150,  251 

Copper  Company,    67 

Corn  fields, 116,  etc. 

Corsen,  A.,    107 

Courts, 196ff,    etc. 

Cox,  W., 187ff 

Coyet,     , 20 

Cromwell, 19,    21 

Cuba,     ,. ., 79 

D 

Dalarna,     32n. 


382  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

Delaware,    22,  29,   32,  35,  39,  42,  103ff,   175,  etc. 

Delaware  Bay,  145 

Danzig,    58 

Deal,     , 25t 

Denmark,    11,   13,   16,  20,  39,   151 

Diedricksen,  D., 160 

Deimen, 270 

Dincklage,   van,    230ffi 

Dirschau,     57 

Disalago,  Gov.,   260ff 

Dorpat,     3d 

Douwes,  Capt.,  319 

Dove,    84 

Dover,     258ff 

Dufva,  J.,   161ff 

Dutch, 21,  93ff,  125,  133,  169ff,  213ff,  233ff,  307ff 

Dutch  West  India  Company, 51,  70ff,  75,  82,  93,  149,  215 

Dyck,  G.  van,  88fif,  143 

E 

Eaton,  Gov.,   287 

Education   in   Sweden,    26ff 

Elbe,     110 

Elfsborg   (Fort),    153,   179,   185,  202ff,  etc. 

Elk  Eiver, 283 

ElsingV>urg  Fort  Point,   179 

Elswick,  H.   von,    165fif,   268flf,    293ff 

Endieott,   Gov.,    287 

England,    14,   2Qff,   40,   47,   68,   79 

English,    21,    46,    185flf,    194ff 

English  trade, 126ff,  ISOfif,  199flf,  208ff 

Europe,    11,    13,    34,    40,    61 

Everet,  Gov.,   262 

F 

Falkenburg,  vou,   56,  68 


INDEX  383 

Fama ri44ff,  176ff,  183ff,  198 

Fehmern,    149 

Finland,   12,  35,  36,  44,  45,  60,  etc. 

Finns,    144,    241ff 

Fish  Kill,    176 

Fleetwood,     21 

Fleming,    16,    49,    76ff,    139flf,    159 

Florida, 80 

Flying  Deer,  82 

Fogel  Grip,    78ff 

Forsman,    3 10 

France,    14,    19ff,    39,    68 

Frankfurt,     63 

Fur  trade, 84,  171 

G 

Gangunkel,    .  .| 41 

Geer,  L.  de,   40 

Germany, 14,  61 

Gold    Coast,    75 

Gothenburg, 27,   44,   52,   55,   77ff,   144ff,   254ff 

Gothland,     17 

Grip,  see  Fogel  Grip, 78ff 

Groote  Christoffel, 307ff 

Guinea,     ,. .  -i 69 

Guinean  Company,    74 

Gustavus  Adolphus,   ..11,  12,  13,  14,  27ff,  40,  52,  55,  59,  61,  etc. 

Gyllene  Haj 152fE,  167ff,  169£f,  218,  250ff,  267£f,  292 

Gyllengren,   E.,    1. 233,    254,   315,    367ff 

H 

Hague,  the,  68 

Haj,  see  Gyllene  Haj,  ...152ff,  167ff,  169ff,  218,  250ff,  267ff,  292 

Hamburg,    46 

Harjedalen,  17 

Harmer,  G. 187ff,  273 


384  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

Hartford,     292 

Heckemak,     186 

Heilbronn,     62 

Helsingor,    251 

Hendricksen,  C, 105 

Henlopen,  Cape,   153,  178 

Henry,  Cape,  186,  264 

Henry,    Prince,    59 

Hercules, 267 

Herrman,  A.,   231flf 

Hinoyossa,    de,    371ff 

Hjort,  Eev.,  296flf 

Holland, 13,  14,  20ff,  40ff,  47,  56,  61,  68ff 

Hollanse   Tuin,    311 

Hook, 267flf,   312 

Horn,     loeflf 

Horn,    Fieldmarshal,    62 

Horn  Kill, 279,  etc. 

Houses,   133,  etc. 

Hudde,  A., 216ff 

Hudson,  H., 104 

Huygen,  H., 70,  78,  88ff,  184ff,  191ff,  229ff,  273ff 

I 

Iceland, 253 

Indians,    108ff,    114ff,    126,    183,    206ff 

Indian   chiefs,    108,   126ff,   224,   235fie,   279ff,   291fif,   303ff 

Indian  trade, 115ff,  122ff,  183ff,  192ff,  204flf,  208,  219ff,  224fie 

Ingermanland,    11 

Innsbruck,     18n 

J 

Jacquet,  J.   P.,    360flf 

Jamestown,    113 

Jiimtland,    17 

Jansen,  J., 112ff 


INDEX  385 

Jansen,  P., 89 

Jonsson,  A.,    240 

Joransson,    78 

Judicial  eystem, 25,   26 

Jutland,     154 

K 

Kagg,    156 

Kalevala,     299 

Kalm,     133 

Ealmar  Nyckel, 60,  77ff,  147ff 

Kampe,    315,    317ff 

Katt  (the  Cat),  32,  155ff,  250 

Kexholm,   12 

Kieft,  W.,  214ff 

Kikitan,     186 

Kingsessing,    241 

King,  W.,    301 

Kling,  M.  N.,   78,  223 

Korsholm,  200,  237 

Kramer,    92,   146,   343ff 

Krober,  N.  A.,  78 

L 

Lamberton,   126ff,  187ff 

Land  purchases,    108ff,   124,  126,   127,  303ff 

Langdonk,   J.   van,    89ff 

Leksand,    32 

Lenape,    114ff 

Liljehok,    147 

Lindestrom,    115,   254flf,   316ff 

Lloyd,     287 

Lock,  L., 225ff,  286ff,  297 

London,    21,   252 

Loof, 89 

Lord,  E.,   187ff,  279ff,  292,  SOOff 


386  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

Lucifer,  C,  158 

Liitzen,   15,  61 

Ljcke,    164 

M 

Hacklier,  H.,   153ff 

Magellanica,     53 

Malmo,   150 

Manathans,   205 

Mansson,  M.,    294 

Maryland, 286 

Manufactories,    202 

Marsh,  G,,  263 

Marie,  252 

Matsson,  J.,    147 

Matthias,  Eev,,   350 

May,  C,  of  Horn,  106 

May,  P.,    112ff 

Melancthon,    31 

Menius, .31 

Mercurius, 348ff,  352ff 

Mill  Creek,   179 

Mills,    209ff,  217ff,  295,  372 

Minquas  Country,   116 

Minquas   (Indians),   114ff 

Minquas    Kill,    79,    97 

Minuit,  P., 70ff,  107flE 

Molndal,    218ff 

Money,     48 

Moses,    2(J 

N 

Na&man  '•  Kill,   295 

Nacka,    68 

Nassau   (Fort),    106flf,   194ff,  229ff 

Nederhorst,  H.  van  der, .91 


INDEX  387 

Nelsson,  M.,   143 

Nertunius,  M.,    156,   159 

Netherlands,    19,  214 

New  Albion,   133 

New  Amsterdam, 80,  208,  etc. 

New  Castle,    236 

New  Elf sborg,   237,  etc. 

New  England,  287,  etc. 

Newfoundland, 113 

New  Gothenborg,    IBOff 

New  Haven, 125flf,  194ff,  288 

New  Korsholm   (Fort),    223,  etc. 

New  Netherland,  70,  93ff,  etc. 

New  South  Company,   71ff 

New    Stockholm,     80 

New  Sweden,   21,  32,  41,  49,  63,  73,  79ff,  88ff,  etc. 

New  Sweden  Company,  61,  69,  139flf 

New  Vasa,    218flE 

North    America,    63,    71 

o 

Old  King  David 61 

Old  South  Company, 347 

Uresund,     16 

Orn,  250ff,  274ff,  284ff,  344 

Oxenstierna,  A.,   16,  31,  56,  61,  68ff,  150,  294 

Oxenstierna,    E.,    24,   249ff,    343 

P 

Palbitsky,  M.,   164ff 

Papegoja,  J., 143,  146,  184,  225ff,  273ff,  350fif,  362flf 

Papegoja,   Madam,    ,. 285,   324,   367ff 

Paris,     68 

Patronat,  93ff 

Paulinus,     30 

Penn,  W.,    284 

Persia, 2rt 


388  THE  SWEDES  ON    THE   DELAWARE 

Philadelphia,     223 

Plowden,  Sir  Ed.,   131ff,  185ff 

Plymouth,    154 

Poland,    11,    12,    18,   52 

Porto    Eico,    158ff,    268 

Portugal,     40,    47 

Prinses  Royael, 311 

Printz  Hall,    211ff,   324 

Printz,    J.,    26,    35,    98,    132ff,    135,    142ff,    149,    169,    178,    194fif, 

239,  273ff 
Prussia,    57 

R 

Raf,     335 

Earitan  Kill,    270 

Eeed,  G.  van,  93 

Eef  ormation,     26 

Eeligious  life,  134ff,  227ff,  374ff 

Eensselaer,  K.  van,    81 

Ehine, 76 

Eichelieu,    68 

Eidder,   P.    H.,    88ff,    142,    146,    175 

Eiga,     13 

Eingold,     292,     303 

Eising,  J.,   26,  37,  253ff,  276ff 

Eoads, 306 

Eome,    18n. 

Eotterdam, 82,  163 

Eudbeck,    33 

Eudbeckius,     30 

Eudberua,  J.,    156,   161ff 

Eussia,    19ff,  47,  50,  76 

Euttens,   P.,    83 

s 

Sable    Island,     , 79 


389 


St.   Christopher,    82,    157,   161 

St.  Cruz,    161ff,   263 

St.  Martin,    157ff,  267 

St.  Peer, 150 

Sandhook,    314 

Sanf ord,  T., 301 

Sankikan  Kill,    79,   178 

Scarborough, 311 

Schotting   (en) ,  T.  van,   85fif 

Schuylkill,    107,    215,    222ff 

Scotland,    79 

Settlements, ISlff,  282ff 

Settlers,    241ff,  275,  286,  297,  316,  320,  335,  369,  372 

Ship    Company,     59ff 

Sigismund,     12 

Skute,   S.,    168,    179,   232,   255ff,   276ff 

Sjohjelm,     353ff 

Skytte,   J.,    31 

Smith,  314,  349fiE 

Smith  'a  Island,   186 

Smythe,    E.,     92 

South  Company,   51ff,  59ff 

South  Eiver, 79,  105,  178,  195ff 

Spaniola,    79 

Spain,   20,  47,  60 

Spens,     20 

Spindle     209 

Spiring,  P., 40,  72ff,  141ff 

Stak,     4] 

Stalkof ta,    J.,     283 

Staten  Island,    312 

Stettin,     61 

Stidden,  T.,   156,  164 

Stiernhjelm,    29 

Stockholm,    12,  19,  20,  40,  42ff,  45,  47,  84,  252 

Stolbova, 12 


390  THE  SWEDES  ON   THE  DELAWARE 

Stralsund,    61,    74 

Strangnas,   41 

Stromskold,    , 3465 

Stuyvesant,  P., 167,  228ff 

Symonsen,     78 

Swan 144ff,  153ff,  183ff,  205,  225,  238 

Swarte  Arent 308 

Sweden, 11,  16,  20ff,  31,  33,  35,  39ff,  44ff,  60flf,  194ff 

T 

Tentor,  M.,  301 

Terserius,    32 

Thickpenny,     195ff 

Tienhoven,  A., 264flf 

Tinicum  Island, 180,  211flf 

Tobacco  trade,    171ff 

Torkillus,  E.,   134 

Torstensson,     16 

Trinity    (Fort), 288,    312,    319 

Trotzig,  P., 146,  167ff,  232,  302 

Turkey,    20 

Turner,  N.,   196 

Tyreso,     41 

u 

Up(p)sala,    30,   33,   41,   42,   etc. 

Usselinx,  W., 51ff,  56ff,  61ff,  84flf,   106ff 

Utrecht    Colony,    93ff 

V 

Varkens  Kill,    178fl 

Varmland,    143 

Vas8,  S.,    210ff 

VasterS,8,    251 

Vastervik,     43 

Venice,    ^ 58 


391 


Viborg,     344 

Viborg    Castle,    145 

Villa   Franca,    269ff 

Virginia,    20,    113,    187 

Vischer   (?),   20 

Vlie,     82 

Vliet,    Cornelis,    van,    86ff 

w 

Waag,   De,    309ff 

Water,  J.  H.  van  der,  78 

Weis,   Hans,    85 

Welshuisen,     58 

Wendel,    P.,    283 

Wesel,    70 

West  Indies,    ^ 94flf 

Westphalian  Treaty,    17 

Weymouth,    260 

White   Minquas,    115 

Whitelocke,    20,   45 

Wicacoa,    222 

Wilcox,  J.,    209ff 

Wilmington,     290 

Winthrop, 126,  195flf 

Wismar, 250 

Wivallius,    29 

Woollen,  J.,    lS8ff 

Wrangei,   H.,    143 

Y 

Young,    M.,    41 

z 

Zuyder   Zee, 53 


^"■•fe/f.llC^ss, 


FORTS  AND  BLOCKHOUSES,  1623-1655. 

/.  Swedish  Fortifitalions. 

A.  Forts  (represented  b}'  sharpcornered  squares) 

))  Christina,  163&-1655.    2)  Nva  Goteborg  (New  Gothen- 

borg),  1643-1655.    3)  Nva  (New)  Korsholm,  1647-1653.    4) 

,.       ...      .,-.._jgjj^     5)  Trefaldighet(Trinity) 


Blockhouses  (squares  inclosed  i 


//.  Du/c/i  Fori 
{A)  Nassau  (Eriwomeck?)  1623-1651.     (Z?)  Beversreede, 
164S-1651.      (C)    Casimir,   1651-1654.     Blockbouse  at  the 
Scbuj'lkill,  1633-1643  (-1647?). 

///.  English  Fortifications, 

It  Varkens  Kill  (Salem,    N.    J.),  1641-1643. 

Province  Island,  1642. 

DATES   OF  PERMANENT  SETTLEMENTS 
BEFORE  1655. 
/.  By  tlie  Swedes. 
a)  Christina  (Wilmington),  1638,  1641.     («)  Finland 
or  Cbamassungh,  1641, 1643.    (i:)  Upland  (Chester),  1641, 
1643.      ( rf>- Printztorp,  1643.      (f)  Tequirassy,  1643.    if) 
Tinicum,  1643.     (.^)  Province  Island,  1643.    (/O  Minqua's 
Island,1644.     (i)  Kingsessing (Vasa),  1644.    (>)  Molndal, 
1645.     (i)  Tome  (Aronameck),  1647(?).    (m)  The  Sirfo- 
la„d  (near  Ft.   Christina),  1654.      (») 
Ft.  Christina.  1654.    fo)  Timber  Island, 
land,  1654. 


{J>)  Strand- 


//.  By  the  J 
w  Castle),  1651. 
OF  RIVERS  AND  PLACES. 
Xiver  Delaumre  (De    la    Waer,    Dellewarr,  Delowar, 
Delaware  and  Charles  River  by  the  English  ; 
Zuydt  (various  forms)  River  (South  River),  Nassau  {?), 
"  off  old  called  Nassau  River  "  (Doc.,  II,  86),  Prince  Hen- 
drick,  and  Wilhelmus  River  by  the  Dul  ■      "    '      ~ 


of  1  he  Swedes),  and  Nya  Sweriges  Rivier  (the  River  of 
New  Sweden )  by  the  Swedes.  „.,     . 


Swedes  and  Menejack 

i  (Fisher  or  State  Isl! 
land  by  the  Swedes, 
ens  (Marcus),  Hook, 
[es  Kill  (Creek). 


nd),  called  Manai- 


i 


^'iiiliiii!